Alexander Dombrovsky. Second after the President. Part 1
Oleksandr Dombrovskyi is the country's leading Komsomol member and the notorious and controversial former governor of Vinnytsia. He was the first deputy chairman of the Committee on Fuel and Energy, Nuclear Policy, and Nuclear Safety, and also a key ally of Petro Poroshenko. Dombrovskyi is regularly subject to tons of incriminating evidence and widespread criticism at the national level, yet he remains steadfast in his position.
This is the story of how a powerful man amassed a fortune estimated at $180 million during his five years as governor. How the governor plundered his own region and has now expanded his reach to all of Ukraine.
Skelet.Org explains who Alexander Dombrovsky is and why he gets away with everything.
Alexander Dombrovsky. From Scientist to Businessman
Alexander Georgievich Dombrovsky was born on July 7, 1962, in the small town of Kalinovka in the Vinnytsia region. The future politician grew up in a simple working-class family: his father was a construction engineer, his mother a librarian. The Dombrovskys lived in a small house outside the city, cultivated a vegetable garden, and ran a small farm. The family was desperately short of money. According to Alexander Georgievich's own recollections, after his mother's death, he found her notebook, where every paycheck was itemized down to the last kopeck.
In 1979, Sasha Dombrovsky graduated from Kalinovka Secondary School No. 3 and entered the Vinnytsia Polytechnic Institute. He had dreamed of building spaceships since childhood, so he chose the promising Faculty of Automation and Telemechanics. While studying, he earned extra money by working on research and development projects for defense industry companies. He managed to earn about 50 rubles a month. Incidentally, Alexander Georgievich got married in his second year. After saving for several months, he bought his young wife gold earrings as a wedding gift.
Alexander Dombrovsky graduated with honors from his specialty in "Technical Cybernetics and Automated Systems." It's worth noting that he owes his successful studies to his mother, who raised his two children. The young father didn't have to take any academic leave to support his young wife. In memory of his mother, who died suddenly of stomach cancer, the loving son established a diploma for the best cultural worker. Vinnytsia librarians receive a small sum of money annually from Dombrovsky's personal funds.
After the Polytechnic, naturally, the spaceship project didn't work out: space was a different story than Vinnytsia. Komsomol work proved a worthy alternative: since 1986, he has been secretary of the Komsomol committee at the Vinnytsia Polytechnic Institute. Through the party line, he rose to the post of first secretary of the Vinnytsia city committee of the LKSMU. Oleksandr Georgievich inherited this position from his predecessor, Anatoly Matviyenko , the former secretary of the Vinnytsia city committee of the LKSMU.
Alexander Dombrovsky (center) and Anatoly Matvienko (right)
In this lucrative position, the party member met recognized figures of the party and future corruption: Sergei Tatusyak, Igor Kaletnik , and Grigory Zabolotny.
A. Dombrovsky, P. Poroshenko, G. Zabolotny
In 1990, Alexander Dombrovsky decided to dedicate his life to academia. He completed his postgraduate studies and began working as a research fellow at his alma mater, Vinnytsia Polytechnic Institute. This work didn't bring in much income. Then, Alexander Georgievich took the foreign economic research department of the Vinnytsia city center of the Scientific and Technical Mechanics and Mathematics (NTTM) under his wing, becoming the director of the foreign trade firm "Center." Incidentally, NTTM was founded with Komsomol funds. "Center" engaged in trading (at the time, speculative) operations. Under the supervision of its director, the company exported metal and raked in consumer goods for itself. The goods were exchanged at a favorable "Komsomol" rate.
Back then, Dombrovsky was preparing to defend his dissertation, but times had changed dramatically—the country had no time for science. At the dawn of the USSR's collapse, Alexander Georgievich went into business.
In 1991, having mortgaged his apartment and added the money to his substantial "start-up capital," he founded his first company, the Vinnytsia Regional Business Center. It sold computers and developed software and applications. It was the first IT company in the history of independent Ukraine. This highly intellectual business gradually bore fruit. Dombrovskyi expanded his business by opening a copy shop, selling office supplies such as pens and photocopy paper. Incidentally, the entrepreneur's wife initially worked at the shop, personally photocopying documents for customers. Four years later, Oleksandr Georgievich re-registered the Vinnytsia Regional Business Center as a joint-stock company, retaining his presidency.
In 1995, Dombrovsky was invited to head the Western Division of Branch No. 2 of the legendary Makarov Southern Machine-Building Plant. Alexander Dombrovsky eagerly took on the challenge. He immediately joined the newly formed People's Democratic Party, whose chairman was the aforementioned Anatoly Matviyenko. Everyone was surprised that former Komsomol members had embraced national patriotism, but such activism played into their hands. The successful businessman, who was reviving a dying city enterprise and supporting the young party, became a household name. Moreover, Dombrovsky had established himself in local society and entered the elite circle of "Vinnytsia residents." His next step was big-time politics.
In the quiet Vinnytsia pool
Dombrovskyi already had a reliable patron waiting for him at the top of the government: Anatoliy Matviyenko, acting head of the Vinnytsia Regional State Administration. Matviyenko had just returned from Kyiv. He had been appointed to the position by Leonid Kuchma himself to deal with the mafia in Vinnytsia and galvanize voters for the upcoming presidential elections. Matviyenko couldn't cope on his own; he needed someone to serve as his right-hand man and work for President Kuchma. The choice fell on Oleksandr Grigorievich. Thanks to his patronage, Dombrovskyi was elected to the Vinnytsia City Council in 1998. There, he chaired the standing committee on industry, construction, transport, and communications. Oleksandr Grigorievich dutifully carried out his job: driving Vinnytsia residents toward the NDP party. Thanks to his activism, the NDP won 12,6% of the 1998 elections, while the party had only received 5,01% across Ukraine.
At that time, Matviyenko, on Leonid Kuchma's orders, oversaw the alcohol mafia. Today, the Vinnytsia region is famous for its sugar refineries and a renowned confectionery factory, but few remember that in the 90s, it was a mecca for the production and illegal sale of alcohol. Matviyenko dealt with both the alcohol producers and their buyers. Kickbacks from these deals were pooled into a common fund for the upcoming presidential elections. After his appointment, Dombrovskyi received a share of the work in this area.
After only a short time, Oleksandr Grigorievich became one of the Vinnytsia elite. Vinnytsia Mayor Dmytro Dvorkis stepped in to counter him. He wanted to take over the liquor mafia.
Dmitry Dvorkis
Dombrovsky and his influential friends conspired against Dvorkis, who, incidentally, was supported by Kyiv through the corrupt Prime Minister Pavlo Lazarenko. To demonstrate his importance, Oleksandr Grigorievich led the conspiracy. The confrontation reached its climax in 1999: Lazarenko was arrested, and unknown assailants attempted to assassinate Dvorkis. He miraculously survived (saved by the Star of David he wore around his neck), but his driver was killed. According to Skelet.Org , the shooter was a member of Vova Morda's gang (Volodymyr Didukh , a Lviv crime boss and sponsor of both revolutions). However, no evidence was ever found.
During this conflict, one name surfaced: Poroshenko. The young businessman Petro Poroshenko , who had already secured a mandate and become part of Leonid Kuchma's entourage, had a strained relationship with Dmytro Dvorkis. Coincidence? Unlikely. A few years later, Didukh would become an aide to Poroshenko's deputy. Moreover, Dvorkis defected to the SDPU(o) faction, joining Poroshenko's sworn enemy, Viktor Medvedchuk.
And since we've already mentioned the President, it's worth explaining the Poroshenko family's interest in Vinnytsia in those years. Vinnytsia's spirits were produced not only from sugar, but also from raw materials such as molasses (a byproduct of sugar production—a recycled material). Using molasses significantly reduced the cost of the "firewater." Controlling the sugar factories meant making a fortune. So, Oleksiy Poroshenko, Garant's father, asked his son to help the Vinnytsia elite, who were squeezing out the spirits business. Dvorkis retired, the mafia submitted to new leaders, and a clan suddenly emerged in Vinnytsia. His father was Oleksandr Dombrovskyi.
This coup launched a meteoric rise: in 2002, Dombrovskyi effortlessly became mayor of the city. In the election, he defeated his main opponent, Dmitry Dvorkis, who had already served three months as governor, thanks to Medvedchuk's encouragement. Over 100,000 Vinnytsia residents voted for Oleksandr Georgievich.
Alexander Dombrovsky. Land, Construction, and the Mafia
The mayor's chair gave a tremendous boost to Oleksandr Georgievich's career as a manager and administrator, and it also opened up brilliant new horizons. In turn, Petro Poroshenko gained control of the Vinnytsia City Council.
The first thing Dombrovsky did in his new post was to return Dvorkis's former deputy, Andrei Reva , to the city executive committee , who began to diligently and faithfully serve the Vinnytsia clan, and brought Vladimir Kistion from the provinces , placing him at the head of Vinnytsia Vodokanal.
Timofey Girenko, CEO of the Podolye Concern
The newly appointed mayor tried his hand at construction—or, more accurately, land grabbing, at the height of the real estate boom. Dombrovskyi developed and sold off the land of a vast park adjacent to the city's Yushchenko Psychiatric Hospital (fortunately, not the president's, but a professor's). His allies in this sensitive matter were the notorious Vinnytsia "builder," Tymofiy Girenko, CEO of the Podillia Concern, and Volodymyr Polyachenko, president of the Kyivmiskbud holding company.
According to the plan, Dombrovsky and Girenko were building the Podillya residential district. The official initiator of the construction was Timofey Girenko, who had previously secured financial support from Kyivmiskbud and Arkata Bank. Naturally, such a project required land within the city limits. They received part of this land (32 hectares) from the "city." Alexander Georgievich was able to facilitate this: everything went smoothly without an auction or competition. The businessmen then leased (or, more accurately, seized) another 13 hectares of parkland near the psychiatric hospital.
President of the Kyivmiskbud holding Volodymyr Polyachenko
After construction of the first high-rise buildings began on the site, the land was privatized according to established procedures. By law, the owner of a construction site has the right to privatize the land. Of course, for a pittance. The Podillia concern freely appropriated 45 hectares. The city and the hospital lost huge chunks of land. Polyachenko paid for the entire scam.
Local media presented Vinnytsia residents with a rosy picture. Girenko pounded his chest and claimed that, by implementing the residential district project, the city would receive over 50 million hryvnias in investments in the form of schools, kindergartens, utilities, and roads. Moreover, if the land had been sold at auction, some of the proceeds would have gone to the budget, whereas under current circumstances, everything would have gone to his personal account. Furthermore, Girenko's benefactor, under the patronage of Oleksandr Dombrovskyi, provided social services by selling apartments to people. Indeed, the Podillia concern annually transferred 2% of the total area of the apartments built to the city's balance sheet. The question is who received these square meters. It's unlikely to have gone to pensioners and the disabled.
The cost of the multi-story buildings was $400 per square meter, while the developers sold the apartments for $1500 per square meter. It's clear that taxes played no role and didn't cloud the final figures. An interesting detail concerns the prices of apartments in "Podillya." According to the developer, the price of the apartments included the cost of building all utilities and roads. Therefore, the price was inflated by 20%. In reality, it turned out that apartment owners were required to install utilities themselves.
The mayor retained a 30% stake in the project, Girenko also retained a 30% stake, but Polyachenko wanted 40%.
Skelet.Org calculated that one hectare of land in 2002 cost $6000 per hundred square meters. The stolen land could have fetched $28 million for Vinnytsia. That would have been enough to buy 1000 apartments for city residents at the prices of the time. But Alexander Dombrovsky appropriated the land for his business project.
In this situation, Timofey Girenko was fortunate: the project transformed him from the owner of an old construction trust into Vinnytsia's leading developer. Now Oleksandr Georgievich didn't need to expose his name; Girenko did everything for him. Dombrovsky simply reaped the benefits, sometimes with apartments, sometimes with shares in residential complexes and shopping centers. He quickly became one of Vinnytsia's richest men.
Alexander Dombrovsky. Second after the President. Part 1
The lucrative construction business captivated the newly appointed mayor. Suddenly, Dombrovskyi decided to build a house for Vinnytsia's military personnel. It seemed like a good idea. He enlisted his trusted friend and partner, Timofey Girenko, to help implement the project. With a 50/50 ownership stake, the two entrepreneurs launched the new construction project. Of course, nothing was officially registered to Alexander Georgievich. However, they built not a residential building there, but the "Anastasia" shopping center. Girenko named the complex after his granddaughter, Nastya. Moreover, this "inconsistency" never attracted the attention of local authorities. The documentation was kept under lock and key. Everyone in Vinnytsia already knew who owned the shopping center.
The site of the Anastasia shopping center was supposed to be occupied by a military building.
The Anastasia Center is five stories tall, with 5,000 square meters of retail space and 1,500 square meters of entertainment space. Let's calculate the rental cost at that time: $1,5 per square meter for retail and $10 per square meter for entertainment, or $100,000 per month.
Next, Alexander Dombrovsky took on the reconstruction of the Vishenka municipal market. His partner, as usual, was Timofey Girenko. However, this time, he received only a 10% stake. Alexander Georgievich allocated funds for the renovation of the retail space and pulled off a brilliant scheme. It's worth noting that the funds were allocated anonymously, from a "sponsor." This "uncle" became the sole owner of the project. The city government turned a blind eye. After the reconstruction, kiosk rentals at the Vishenka market were limited to a single address: 10 Pushkin Street. Notably, this address housed Dombrovsky's campaign headquarters, his office, and a carp breeding club (the mayor's favorite hobby).
Let's calculate the mayor's income again: the Vishenka market comprises 4,200 square meters of retail space; in 2003, rent per square meter was $10; the total is $42,000 per month.
During this time, Dombrovskyi didn't neglect his own education. In 2003, Oleksandr Georgievich graduated from the Institute of International Relations of the Kyiv National University, specializing in International Monetary and Credit Relations. A year later, he defended his dissertation at the Institute of World Economy and International Relations of the National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine and received a PhD in economics.
Fame was not long in coming. Just a year later, Alexander Dombrovsky won the "Person of the Year" competition in the "Mayor of the Year" category.
Know how to spin
In 2004, the presidential elections came. Oleksandr Georgievich deserves credit for his adaptability. At the time of the elections, he was a member of the People's Democratic Party and supported Prime Minister Viktor Yanukovych in the first round. Rumors circulated that he was considering heading Yanukovych's campaign headquarters, but his position prevented him from doing so. The mayor of Vinnytsia openly declared that only Yanukovych would bring stability to the country. At the same time, he maintained relatively friendly relations with Our Ukraine, or more precisely, with Solidarity (a team of Vinnytsia businessmen led by Petro Poroshenko). When it became clear that opposition candidate Viktor Yushchenko was leading the race, Dombrovskyi radically changed his views. In the second round, he openly opposed the current government and supported Yanukovych. He even joined the National Salvation Committee (at the all-Ukrainian level). It's worth noting that there was another person in the city who stood up for "any friend"—the young politician Volodymyr Groysman . As a result, Vinnytsia was one of the first to recognize the legitimacy of President Yushchenko.
Such "diversified" views played to Oleksandr Georgievich's advantage: on February 4, 2005, President Yushchenko appointed him Governor of the Vinnytsia Oblast. It's worth noting that Volodymyr Skomarovsky, head of the local headquarters of "Our Ukraine," was also a contender for the position.
Vladimir Skomarovsky
But Viktor Andreevich “believed” Dombrovsky, and gave Skomarovsky the position of head of the customs service.
However, few will remember that at the time Viktor Andreevich was handing out positions, a land scandal was brewing in Vinnytsia. The main figure was Dombrovsky, a "loyal friend" of the Orange Revolution. The matter was that a land auction was held in the city at the time. City officials were auctioning off plots of land left and right. They sold like hotcakes, despite their prices being flagrantly inflated. After the excitement and initial joy had subsided, the owners of the acquired land realized they had been sold a pig in a poke. They accused officials of deliberately concealing restrictions on the use of the plots.
More precisely, the incident involved two plots of land—6 and 5 hundred square meters—which were sold for 2 million hryvnias (approximately 200,000 hryvnias per hundred square meters). It turned out that the first plot was already occupied by a market and a café, while the second had construction restrictions that the buyers weren't informed about during the auction. As a result, one of the owners refused to pay for the land, and the other began negotiating with officials to evict the unauthorized vendors.
The Vinnytsia community was outraged by the price at which the land was sold. The scheme seemed simple: the city executive committee allocated plots of land to businesses on a long-term lease, the lessee began construction, and then, legally, privatized the land. It was also strange that tens of hectares of land were sold at auction, but the city received pennies for it. Where did the money go? The answer is obvious: through corruption—into the pockets of officials. All transactions and permits were processed through them.
The city council even collected signatures for the mayor's resignation, but Oleksandr Dombrovskyi skillfully bailed. The governor's seat was already waiting for him. The vacant mayor's seat was given to 27-year-old Groysman, who became acting mayor.
From that moment on, the victorious five-year march of the official Dombrovsky began, who, using all his resources, robbed his fiefdom of 180 million dollars.
Arina Dmitrieva, for Skelet.Org
CONTINUED: Alexander Dombrovsky. Second after the President. PART 2
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