Anatoly Mogilev is a notorious figure during the Viktor Yanukovych era. He created a police network in Crimea in the mid-2000s and later completely subjugated the peninsula, becoming its sole ruler. He was friends with organized crime groups, had a personal hitman, and controlled mercenaries who helped Russia seize Crimea. A story of phenomenal betrayal from the top police officer.
Anatoly Mogilev: How a teacher joined the police
Mogilev Anatoly Vladimirovich was born on April 6, 1955, in Petropavlovsk-Kamchatsky, Russia. He carefully conceals information about his family. His parents' names are known to be Vladimir Grigorievich and Alevtina Mikhailovna. His father was in the military. Mogilev has no siblings. In the early 60s, the family moved to Slavyansk, Donetsk Oblast, Ukraine. There, little Tolya attended Secondary School No. 2. According to Mogilev's own recollections, he grew up an active child, and his parents were constantly called to the principal's office for their misbehavior. His parents instilled good taste in their son by enrolling him in piano lessons. However, many years later, at a press conference, Anatoly Vladimirovich was unable to recall a single classical piece.
Mogilev received his higher education at the Slavic Pedagogical Institute. He graduated in 1977 with a degree in physics teaching. The young teacher was assigned to Crimea. Incidentally, this was the future minister's first trip to the peninsula. There, he began working as a physics teacher at the provincial Tsvetochnoye Secondary School in the Belogorsk District. The teacher was assigned a small house on the outskirts of the village. Every day, Anatoly Vladimirovich had to walk 4 kilometers to work.
After two years of service, Mogilev enlisted in the Soviet Army. He was sent to the Leningrad Military District to serve in the air defense forces.
Anatoly Vladimirovich returned to his native Slavyansk after serving in the army and found a job as a physics teacher at Secondary School No. 18. However, his teaching career lasted only a year. In 1982, Mogilev transferred to the police as a district inspector in the juvenile affairs department. Two years later, he became a criminal investigation officer, and three years later, he became the head of the department supervising district inspectors.
Police lawlessness
Anatoly Vladimirovich's career took off in 1988, when he was appointed head of the criminal investigation department at the Slavyansk District Department of Internal Affairs, and soon rose to deputy head of operations. Alongside his work, Mogilev decided to pursue a second law degree at the Ukrainian Academy of Internal Affairs.
In 1995, Anatoly Mogilev was transferred to Artemovsk and appointed head of the Main Directorate of Internal Affairs. This position freed the hands of the cunning policeman, who began building his empire. Mogilev began his business in the region fussily, with a provincial habit of constantly recounting his savings. He chose Alexander Ryndin (a city council member from the Party of Regions) and his son, Maksim, as his confidants in his entrepreneurial endeavors. The family business quickly gained control of such enterprises as Zhitlo Militsii LLC, the law firm Lider, the construction company Marimax, the construction and investment company Max-Group, Ukravto-Dom, Legion-Auto, SK Minion, TC Passazh, TC Praga, and TC Rybon LLC. All of them brought in substantial profits for their owners. Anatoly Vladimirovich also brought his wife, Larisa Viktorovna, who worked as a city municipal property specialist, into the business. She unexpectedly found herself employed at the Marathon bookmaker's office.
His next transfer took place in 2000, to Donetsk's "Sicily"—Makiivka, where Anatoly Vladimirovich also headed the Main Directorate of Internal Affairs. At that time, the mayor of Makiivka was Vasily Dzharty, the future head of the Crimean branch of the Party of Regions (then known to Donetsk residents as "Dzharty-Saray"), who became Mogilev's friend and facilitated his career advancement.
In 2005, Mogilev unexpectedly resigned from the police due to health reasons. It's unknown what exactly Anatoly Vladimirovich had. After his resignation, he decided to pursue a private law practice. Fortunately, he had a degree. Together with Anatoly Ivanovich Chichikal, the former deputy head of the Makeyevka City Department of Internal Affairs, he founded the law firm "Shield" Law Firm LLC. Incidentally, Mogilev carefully concealed the founding of "Shield"; there's no mention of it in his official biography. Anatoly Vladimirovich holds the position of legal consultant at the newly formed firm. Incidentally, the firm was founded three months after Mogilev's resignation from the police. His self-employment lasted a year. In 2006, Mogilev set his sights on "big-time politics." He joins the Party of Regions and is elected to the Makeyevka City Council, where he becomes chairman of the standing committee on legality and the protection of citizens' rights.
In January 2007, Mogilev "recovered." Having regained his strength, he decided to re-enter the police force. A month later, Ukrainian Minister of Internal Affairs Vasyl Tsushko nominated Anatoly Vladimirovich for the post of head of the Main Directorate of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Ukraine in Crimea, and in August of that year, he appointed him his deputy. Rumor has it that Anton Prigodsky, a Party of Regions deputy and Viktor Yanukovych's "grey cardinal" with a business in Crimea, put in a good word for Mogilev's new positions.Read more about it in the article Anton Prigodsky: Yanukovych's first "grey cardinal").
Anatoly Mogilev. Crimean Stories
In 2007, Anatoly Mogilev arrived in Crimea. He was taken under the wing of representatives of the peninsula's oldest organized crime group, Salem, led by Alexander Melnik ("Melya"), a member of the Crimean parliament. In fact, as it became known Skelet.OrgMogilev was sent to the peninsula with a great mission – to save "Melnyk" from prison (Alexander Melnyk was first arrested for extortion back in 1999, and then in late 2006 on suspicion of organizing and committing a number of serious crimes). It was a gift from Viktor Yanukovych and Renat Kuzmin (Read more about it in the article Renat Kuzmin: The Family Business of Outlaw Prosecutors) — Deputy Prosecutor General. They took control of the Main Directorate and got Melnik off the hook.
In his new position, Anatoly Mogilev began providing protection for illegal wine and vodka distilleries. The factories were officially closed, but in reality, the plants were running double shifts, churning out illegal alcohol. The first to receive protection were the Kolber-Agro private enterprise (the distillery was located in Krasnogvardeysk) and the Krymtorgpred private enterprise. The latter successfully sold the distillery's products in Crimea. A month of protection for Igor Anatolyevich Didenko, the owner of the private enterprise, cost Mogilev $20. The owner of the small distillery, Mavi private enterprise, in Sudak, also earned a similar amount.
Alexander Melnik
Another egregious fact speaks volumes about Mogilev's lawlessness and its connections to Crimean organized crime groups. A special police team once arrested several members of the "Bashmaki" gang. They were sent to the Simferopol temporary detention facility. One of the detained "Bashmaki" members was driven by the Simferopol city police department's leaders to meetings with other gangsters in their personal cars. Another criminal was taken straight from the temporary detention facility to the civil registry office, and then to an already-arranged wedding.
Anatoly Vladimirovich coordinated all his actions with Melnik. At the time, a conflict was raging between Crimean Tatars, who were illegally seizing land, and bandit groups eyeing lucrative plots of land. Mogilev, like all the "Makeyevites," began to support his boss.
In November 2007, a high-profile operation to demolish Crimean Tatar settlements on the Ai-Petri plateau rocked the country. Anatoly Mogilev personally oversaw the operation. Security forces brought heavy equipment to the mountain and began barbarically demolishing the buildings. They arrested around 200 people, who later reported being brutally beaten by police. Anatoly Vladimirovich was acting on a court order to demolish the buildings. However, there was a nuance: not all the buildings were razed, but rather the poor shacks, leaving the establishments above them untouched. This was logical – the owners of small retail and food service establishments did not pay taxes and reported only to the Mejlis leaders. According to the most conservative estimates, their annual turnover was between 150 and 250 million hryvnias – a tasty morsel for organized crime groups. By the way, Mogilev and his eagles did not touch the illegal seizures near Simferopol, for which there was also a court decision.
The newly appointed police chief also distinguished himself in his statements. He called Crimean Tatars "Adolf Hitler's accomplices" and accused them of wanting to separate Crimea from Ukraine, similar to Kosovo.
Anatoly Mogilev would have continued to "dispense justice" if not for a major set-up. He was ousted from his post by then-Deputy Minister of Internal Affairs Gennady Moskal.Read more about it in the article Gennady Moskal: the many-faced foul-mouthed general), who released a scandalous recording of a telephone conversation. The speakers allegedly included the speaker of the autonomy, Anatoly Gritsenko, Anatoly Mogilev, and Alexander Melnik. They were discussing personnel appointments at the Main Directorate of the Ministry of Internal Affairs. A man with a voice similar to Mogilev asked permission to appoint a certain Alexander Rudyak. The interlocutor with the voice like Melnik's responded rudely, revealing that Mr. Rudyak "refused the top position" and was "the only person who ever helped us." The conversation concerned Alexander Rudyak, who was transferred to Crimea in 2004 from Poltava, where he headed the District Department of Internal Affairs. However, he was removed by Yuriy Lutsenko (read about him - Yuriy Lutsenko. The "Terminator" of Ukrainian Politics) from the post of chief of the criminal police and worked as Melnik’s driver for a long time.
During this period, Anatoly Vladimirovich was promoted to Major General of Police. Anatoly Mogilev's level of professionalism can be judged by his "brilliant" investigation of high-profile criminal cases. Let's take a striking example. At the height of the resort season in Yevpatoriya, three young women were brutally murdered – strangled and then dismembered. Speculation began about a serial killer. The Ministry of Internal Affairs of Ukraine took control of the investigation. Mogilev and his associates "caught" the killer, 48-year-old Vladimir Getmanenko, in record time. He was arrested solely based on his visual resemblance to a composite sketch – the man, like the criminal, was bald. The suspect was found to be carrying a knife, a piece of evidence. Getmanenko spent six months in pretrial detention. During this time, several more women fell victim to the killer. But no one paid any attention. When the case went to court, it became clear there was insufficient evidence. Getmanenko was released. It's worth noting that the police were duly recognized for their operational work. Many officers received promotions and commendations.
Moreover, in 2007, the Mogilev crime department increased the number of registered crimes by 10,6%, while the number of criminals detected fell by 4%, and the number of convictions fell by almost 10%. These are official statistics.
Anatoly Mogilev held the post of head of the Crimean police for nine months. On December 24, 2007, the Cabinet of Ministers dismissed him, although at the time it was reported that he had submitted his resignation voluntarily. Details soon emerged: Mogilev allegedly submitted his voluntary resignation under pressure from Gennady Moskal.
On the eve of his resignation, Mogilev decided to make a bold move and earn a small profit by selling Crimean police assets. The assets included the construction department of the Main Directorate of the Ministry of Internal Affairs in the Autonomous Republic of Crimea, which was sold for 783 hryvnias. The property was divided between two firms: the Simferopol-based Profinveststroy LLC, which was created as a trade union of certified Ministry of Internal Affairs employees under the leadership of Vladimir Mertsalov, a district police officer at the Kyiv District Department of Internal Affairs in Simferopol and Mogilev's right-hand man (he would be one of the first to defect to Russia during the annexation of Crimea and would lead the negotiating team with the Ukrainian military), and the Makeyevka-based Scorpions LLC. An interesting fact: the first company received small items like soda machines, furniture, and typewriters, while the second received construction equipment, an administrative building, garages, and a fenced area totaling 21,3 square meters. By a strange coincidence, Scorpions LLC is registered in Makeyevka, where Mogilev had long been in charge. Moreover, in Makeyevka and Donetsk, such a company was completely unknown; its interests extend exclusively to Crimea. However, the Court of Appeal denied the sale of the construction management company and declared the transaction invalid. Experts estimate the actual value of the property to be 6-7 million hryvnias. Mogilev was unable to be implicated in this scam—he never signed any documents for the sale of the management company.
After leaving his post, Mogilev was listed as being at the disposal of the Ministry of Internal Affairs.
A year after his resignation, Anatoly Vladimirovich decided to seek justice and challenged his dismissal. He filed a lawsuit and won the case—the Donetsk District Administrative Court demanded that Mogilev be reinstated to his previous position. The Ministry of Internal Affairs, led by Yuriy Lutsenko, filed an appeal, but it was rejected in May 2009. Thus, Anatoly Vladimirovich was supposed to once again head the Crimean police. However, Lutsenko delayed his reinstatement. In fact, this is why he was fined 510 hryvnias, which he had to pay to the state for failing to comply with the court's decision. Crimea's chief police officer only assumed his post on August 19, when the court exerted significant pressure on parliament. It was only on that same day that parliament dismissed him, appointing Gennady Moskal in his place. Anatoly Vladimirovich's attempts to be reinstated were unsuccessful.
After his dismissal, Anatoly Mogilev didn't grieve for long. He clearly wanted to return to work and permanently reside in Crimea. To this end, in 2008, Anatoly Vladimirovich decided to build a house for himself in Koktebel. His choice fell on the grounds of the Goluboy Zaliv health resort, which stands on the shores of the Black Sea (Koktebel Bay). Construction began on a two-story mansion with an attic there. Rumor had it that the former police chief would have six months to complete the construction, and that he would move into the apartment on December 20th—Ukrainian Police Day. No one could question the legality of the construction. Mogilev had begun laying the groundwork as early as 2001. Then, for some unknown reason, the territory of Goluboy Zaliv LLC was divided into small plots, each marked with a letter. Plot No. 122, marked with the letter "G," was "unexpectedly" registered to the Volodin family, police officers. Moreover, the resort gave up this part of its territory to a police family. A 23-year-old graduate of the Donetsk Law Institute of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, Sergei Volodin, headed the Koktebel police in 2007. According to malicious gossip, Sergei is Anatoly Vladimirovich's godson. It soon emerged that Sergei Volodin was building the house for his godfather as a gift for his professional holiday. The construction was allegedly personally overseen by the former head of the Feodosia OBOP, Oleg Grigorievich Kozyura. Like any representative of the "honest" police, Kozyura decided to save money on the construction and began extorting building materials from Crimean entrepreneurs, intimidating them with "masked shows." Stone and concrete were delivered to the site around the clock. In exchange for his assistance, Mogilev promised Kozyura the post of chief of the Feodosia police as soon as he returned to his post as head of the Crimean Main Directorate. And the most interesting fact: the total cost of the work and materials for the project was over $250, which at the time was equivalent to at least 250 months of Mogilev's salary.
Anatoly Mogilev. Ministerial Affairs
A new chapter in Mogilev's career occurred in late 2009. He then headed Viktor Yanukovych's campaign headquarters in Crimea during the presidential elections. By doing so, he violated the Law on Police, which stipulates that Interior Ministry employees are not allowed to engage in political activity. To avoid a scandal, Lutsenko once again dismissed Anatoly Volodymyrovych from the Interior Ministry.
A month after Yanukovych took the presidential seat, the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine, on the proposal of the new guarantor, approved Mogilev as Minister of Internal Affairs in the government of Prime Minister Mykola Azarov (Read more about it in the article Nikolai Azarov. The Survivor).
Before the fanfare following his appointment had died down, Anatoliy Volodymyrovych distinguished himself. The State Traffic Inspectorate of the Main Directorate of the Ministry of Internal Affairs in Kyiv Oblast purchased a 2010 Cadillac Escalade worth 1 million hryvnias. It was handed over to the Ministry of Internal Affairs for the newly appointed Minister of Internal Affairs. The vehicle was purchased in violation of the law – the Cabinet of Ministers did not authorize the transaction, and no tender procedure was conducted. Mogilev explained the purchase of the Cadillac as a business necessity – the car was needed for meetings of official delegations. Then he changed his mind and claimed the car was a gift to the Ministry of Internal Affairs. However, he did not identify the donor. According to Gennady Moskal, the donor was a certain Sergei Mykhailovich Rudenko, who lives in Brovary. He is a front man. Moskal also revealed the scheme used to purchase the car: a Cadillac Escalade was purchased by Kvik-Avto LLC (better known as "Cool Cars") at a reduced price of 28,5 hryvnias. Kvik-Avto then issued a certificate stating that the buyer of the car was the State Traffic Inspectorate of the Main Directorate of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Ukraine in the Kyiv Oblast. The transaction price was 518 hryvnias, clearly below market value. This suggests a corrupt scheme between Kvik-Avto, customs, and the State Traffic Inspectorate of the Main Directorate of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, designed to underpay mandatory fees and charges to the Ukrainian treasury. The State Traffic Inspectorate registered the car with the MREO of the Brovarsky District, paid all mandatory fees totaling 18,5 hryvnias from its own budget, and then transferred the proceeds to its fleet. Incidentally, after purchasing this vehicle, the Ministry of Internal Affairs employees purchased additional components from the Kvik-Avto LLC chain of stores for a total of approximately 300 hryvnia.
However, Mogilev was being disingenuous. He regularly drove his Cadillac to his dacha in Crimea. During his trip, traffic was blocked for 20 minutes near the Beketova state dacha belonging to the Ministry of Internal Affairs. However, Anatoly Vladimirovich also traveled to the dacha in great style, using his official aircraft. While on vacation, the minister flew to Crimea 18 times during the summer.
Anatoly Mogilev's investigative methods, which he actively promoted within the security forces, require special attention. Since his arrival, reports of torture and other forms of violence, including fatalities, have increased. Anatoly Vladimirovich was chasing high "solved" rates. As a result, investigators began to coerce confessions and frame innocent people. Here are a few striking examples:
- — 32-year-old Yevgeny Zvenigorodsky and a friend were peacefully strolling through Kyiv. Suddenly, a police squad detained them, allegedly on suspicion of theft. The boys spent about an hour at the police station. The officers tortured Zvenigorodsky to extract a confession. Zvenigorodsky was taken from the police station to the hospital, where he died from his injuries.
- A police officer took student Igor Indilo straight from his dorm to the Shevchenkivskyi district police station. He was celebrating his 20th birthday there with friends. After drinking too much, Igor became rowdy, and the police arrived. The next morning, his parents were asked to retrieve his body from the morgue. He allegedly died from falling several times while intoxicated. According to the official version, he kept falling on the police station floor until he "killed himself."
- — Mogilev police put particular pressure on nationalists. The explosion of a Stalin monument in Zaporizhzhia on December 31, 2010, half an hour before New Year's, was the pretext. The All-Ukrainian organization, the Bandera Trident, announced mass arrests of its members across Ukraine. Those arrested were charged with terrorism, and were also subjected to brutal torture and forced confessions.
- Participants in the 2010 Tax Maidan (which opposed the new Tax Code, which eliminated the simplified tax system) also suffered at the hands of Mogilev. After the protesters' tent camp on Independence Square was dismantled, police opened a criminal case for intentional damage to property during the installation of entrepreneurs' tents. It was later revealed that approximately eight activists were under investigation.
Mogilev grossly violated human rights. The main evidence of this is the liquidation of the Department for Monitoring Human Rights Observance in the Activities of the Internal Affairs Directorates. Anatoly Vladimirovich claimed that everything within the Department was bought and nepotism was rampant. In reality, this structure protected and ensured human rights, uncovering significant abuses of power by the police. Of course, the Department would not have tolerated Mogilev's innovations. The first was a gross violation of privacy—the "Rozysk-Magistral" system. It required the inclusion of a person's full name, year of birth, and passport series and number on train tickets. The second was the forced fingerprinting of detainees. By law, this applies to individuals accused of committing a crime or those sentenced to administrative imprisonment. Police under Mogilev fingerprinted everyone. The Roma suffered the most, being detained specifically for this purpose and then released.
In the summer of 2010, President Viktor Yanukovych awarded the special rank of police lieutenant general to Anatoliy Mogilev. The head of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, in a gesture of tact, presented Mogilev with a gold-plated "Fort" pistol. A scandal erupted over this, after Yuriy Lutsenko himself distributed pistols to 156 individuals in 2007, 90 of whom had no connection whatsoever to the police. A criminal case was opened, but it was hushed up.
In December 2010, President Viktor Yanukovych reduced the number of cabinet members in connection with the start of administrative reform. Mogilev retained his post.
On November 7, 2011, Yanukovych dismissed Anatoly Mogilev as Minister of Internal Affairs and appointed him Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the Autonomous Republic of Crimea, the position left vacant by the death of Vasyl Dzharty. The following day, at an extraordinary meeting of the Verkhovna Rada of Crimea, his candidacy was finally approved.
Anatoly Mogilev. Back to Crimea
The newly appointed Prime Minister of Crimea, Anatoly Mogilev, arrived at work with a briefcase and a general's uniform. The diamonds glittering on his cufflinks were particularly eye-catching. Anatoly Vladimirovich did not specify the price of the accessory.
At the next plenary session of the Crimean Verkhovna Rada, Mogilev was more modest – his shirt wore simple plastic buttons. However, a touch of luxury was still present – a Swiss Zenith watch. It's a luxury-class chronometer with a rose gold case and displays a moon phase indicator in addition to the time and date. It costs $14.
It was immediately clear that the new minister would not replace Vasyl Dzharty. He would sit back and pretend to work. Just look at the meeting of the autonomous region's Council of Ministers on February 14, 2012, which lasted a full 18,5 minutes. The fact is, Mogilev had a different plan: by the end of 2013, Crimea, in his view, was to be completely tamed, completely his own, and cleared of leftist forces. This was necessary for the peninsula's transfer to Russia. In his new ministerial position, Anatoly Vladimirovich had a free hand. And so he began "cleaning up" Crimea. Mogilev had a personal hitman, Yuri Sinezhuk. It is reported that their acquaintance dates back to ancient times, when Anatoly Vladimirovich was a district police officer and worked in the juvenile department of the police in Tsvetnoye. Sinezhuk was registered in the city of Saki.
It's hard to believe that a single killer was involved in all of Anatoly Mogilev's political assassinations. Mogilev simply acted smarter – to avoid having to change killers each time, he collected incriminating evidence on one and became his sole "master." The minister maintains information about the past crimes of Sinezhuk and his mother – the murderer of her two husbands. However, the Mogilev killer is no fool either. Rumor has it he stole two crates of vials of chemical bacteriological weapons that Mogilev received from NATO back in 2006.
So, Mogilev ordered the killing of all those who might lay claim to a large piece of Crimea during the division. A partial list of victims:
– 2010 – Igor Kolodyazhny, mayor of Novofedorovka (West Coast), was killed. He was shot 14 times with an automatic rifle.
– 2011 – the mayor of Vesyoloye (east coast) Igor Yushko was killed by a shot to the heart from a hunting rifle;
– 2012 – Leonid Malyk, mayor of Maly Mayak (where the most expensive land in Crimea is located), was thrown from the third floor of the neurology department of the Semashko Hospital;
– 2013 – the mayor of Simeiz, Kirill Kostenko, and the mayor of Feodosia, Alexander Bartenev, were shot with a machine gun.
On February 27, 2014, in the parliament building, which had been seized by Russian troops, deputies of the Supreme Council of the Autonomous Republic of Crimea decided to oust Mogilev and hold a referendum.
The peninsula is being carved up by oligarchs
This story is about how the “Russian Spring” came to Crimea.
In 2006, armed units began forming in the Crimean mountains. Bases and temporary summer camps were established. The process was overseen by the Security Service of Ukraine (SBU). Viktor Yanukovych personally assigned Anatoly Mogilev the responsibility for providing the units with manpower, food, and military equipment.
Unwanted combat officers from Ukraine, Russia, Moldova, and Transnistria, veterans of Afghanistan and Africa, flocked to the Crimean units. They weren't paid, but they were well-fed and provided with a familiar, "interesting" combat environment. Anatoly Mogilev and the SBU officers pocketed the money—that's how it went unrecorded.
The military contingent was handled by specialists who had served in Chechnya, Libya, and Syria, while the bandits and criminals were overseen by Anatoly Mogilev, a professional police officer specializing in dealing with "difficult" teenagers. Naturally, Anatoly Vladimirovich kept a low profile at the bases. He sent there a trusted confidant of Sergei Fedorovich Volodin (the same one whose son built the house for Mogilev's godfather), who had been expelled from the Ministry of Internal Affairs for "incompetence."
Mogilev and Volodin developed schemes to cover up the murders, robberies, and bandits that were flourishing on the peninsula. In addition, militants were sent to hot spots as mercenaries. The money for them went to the "center"—that is, the Crimean administration. The bulk of the profit went to Mogilev.
When Mogilev returned to Crimea in 2011, he set up a "headquarters" in the cafe of Oleg Fomin, the former chief of police in Koktebel. There, Anatoly Vladimirovich and Volodin collected information through agents—police officers—on the wealthiest and least secure houses in Crimea. Bandits then robbed them. The property was demolished and taken to the backyard of the minister's house. The proceeds were used to support the militants. Moreover, according to sources, Mogilev Skelet.OrgHe allowed police officers to grow marijuana, purchase heroin, package it, and manufacture drugs. Incidentally, many consider Anatoly Mogilev a cocaine addict due to his characteristic gestures—rubbing his nose and frequently sniffling.
In 2013, Crimean residents began noticing military vehicles constantly roaming the peninsula. These were being used to arm militants.
The revolutionary events on the Maidan began to divide the two gangs: the fighters turned into titushki, wielding bats and Molotov cocktails on the Maidan (and everyone wondered where the titushki came from), while prisoners who had been through the camps participated only sporadically. According to unofficial statistics, more than 15 people were sent from the camps in the Crimean mountains to the East.
In Crimea, the militants' mission was to prevent any "agitators" from reaching the population. Mercenaries were stationed at checkpoints and issued identification cards. They turned back all vehicles attempting to enter the autonomous region. The population found itself under siege.
When the Maidan began to subside, Crimea became the main arena. All roads were blocked with paramilitary checkpoints. Entry and exit were prohibited. Mercenaries descended from the mountains and began occupying all military units in Crimea, both Ukrainian and Russian. Then a psychological attack began: the people were pitted against each other—Tatars against Ukrainians, Ukrainians against Russians. The oligarchs' main goal was to unleash a small civil war. To bring in Russian troops. To separate Crimea from Ukraine forever. The population refused, so Crimea ceded itself to Russia without casualties. And then came the fateful decision for the entire Ukrainian people: to transfer all the regions that had always provided for Crimea under the Russian flag.
To summarize, gangs were formed in the Crimean mountains over a period of over 10 years. They were financed with the knowledge of the state and money from Ukrainian oligarchs. Anatoly Mogilev controlled all the organized crime groups in Crimea. The oligarchs, together with their Russian partners, had long ago decided to divide Crimea. The play was staged and executed according to a pre-arranged plan. People became bargaining chips. The people's anger against Ukrainian President Viktor Yanukovych was planned and carefully fueled. Amid the cries and deaths of the Maidan, the country was completely robbed.
Anatoly Mogilev's Weaknesses
Doesn't make business cards. Anatoly Mogilev is principled in this matter. He never printed business cards, fearing that someone might use them for selfish purposes, using his name as cover. Back when Anatoly Vladimirovich first came to Crimea to manage his affairs, his savvy fellow countrymen in the Donetsk region arbitrarily "slapped together" business cards bearing the influential politician's name and presented them to traffic police officers at the right moment. Mogilev then issued a call to hunt down anyone who brandished business cards and to apply "the harshest measures" to them.
A lover of strong language. In response to a publication on the website "Makeyevka: The Whole Truth," former city police chief Anatoly Mogilev sent a letter calling the journalist a "heartless faggot." This story was widely publicized, but Anatoly Vladimirovich denied the existence of such a letter and even claimed that he never swears.
Income. According to Forbes' 2013 ranking, the Mogilev family ranked seventh among the twenty richest government families in Ukraine. The publication estimated their income at 2,1 million hryvnias. Anatoly Volodymyrovych was also recognized as the highest-paid regional leader in Ukraine.
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Today, Anatoly Mogilev is making loud statements and comments. He criticized the actions of the Ministry of Internal Affairs leadership and blamed them for the tragedy in the village of Knyazhichi. There is reason to believe that Anatoly Vladimirovich wants to return to the ministerial post. He believes his betrayal has been forgotten.
Arina Dmitrieva, for Skelet.Org
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