Andrey Davydenko
The king is played by his retinue. But first, the retinue is made by the king. As is the king, so are his confidantes. They don't attend press conferences, make grand statements, or get photographed. In their quiet offices, they "decide," "rule," and "carve up." In short, they rule behind the backs of their "naked kings."
Hiding on one of the floors of Lviv Square is the little-known Andrey Anatolyevich Davydenko (known among tax officials as "The Ghoul Gnome"). Occupying the humble bureaucratic position of Director of the Tax Service's Operations Support Department, this fiscal Angel shoulders virtually every matter that generates any profit. Judging by the topic of his PhD dissertation, Davydenko, with his analytical mind, can easily solve any differential equation of any order, and can easily perform simple arithmetic sums in his head. The sums his entourage receives from their infamous "shadow" schemes, however, begin with a number followed by five zeros.
For example, the number of cash-out platforms in the country has nearly doubled since last spring, and the cost of their services has risen from 8% to 10% in the last month alone. The State Fiscal Service is investigating thousands of criminal cases involving financial violations, but the outcome for the vast majority of them depends on the businessman's ability to negotiate. Recently, Mr. Davydenko has been determining the "bargain line" (i.e., the kickback amount) for the most lucrative clients, and he also compiles "black" and "white" lists of entrepreneurs. It's no surprise that investigative units of the tax police refer less than one percent of criminal tax cases to court.
Another topic successfully mastered by Davydenko in the SFS's "financial pasture" is the unofficial management of the process of inclusion (and exclusion) of certain business structures in the automated system that determines the risks in their activities and, accordingly, the increased attention of tax and customs officials.
The current political situation in the country has also had an impact on Davydenko's "hard work." In particular, many businesses and financial-industrial groups with Russian capital are seeking support from the government. Davydenko, for example, has zealously helped resolve many of Alfa Group's problematic issues.
Davydenko isn't above making money from his own money. Appointing people to lucrative positions in the tax authorities for bribes has long been a tradition. The size of the kickback depends on the management's appetite and the region's wealth. Currently, Davydenko has set the fee from 150 US dollars for a senior regional administration head in a "poor" region to 350-400 in a "difficult" one. There are also those who, in addition to the "entrance fee," also "express gratitude" monthly. If anyone in law enforcement were interested in names, obtaining a list wouldn't be difficult or particularly challenging. It would be sufficient to obtain a packet of open-ended resignation letters from Davydenko's safe, written simultaneously with the appointment letter and kept by him as a guarantee of loyalty and control. One striking example is the appointment of Ihor Bondarenko to the position of acting head of the Kyiv headquarters (incidentally, in an acting capacity). Under the previous government, he held senior positions in the capital's Ministry of Revenue and Duties departments, but in fact worked for the business structures of oligarch Serhiy Kurchenko. Or, for example, the appointment of the "legendary" Viktor Bulyuk to the Kherson Customs Office.
Davydenko also finds great support in his department, overseeing tenders for the procurement of materials and goods for the service. This role is skillfully organized and yields certain dividends, thanks in no small part to Sergei Bodrov, Head of the Department of Infrastructure's Real Estate Department.
Davydenko's proactive efforts to line his own (and other people's) pockets have not gone unnoticed by those in the state who are supposed to combat such shameful practices. The Ministry of Internal Affairs has already twice attempted to catch him taking a bribe, but literally hours before the "bracelets" were supposed to be secured on the bribe-taker's sticky hands, high-ranking patrons intervened, and the criminal's capture was thwarted. Presumably, it wasn't for free either.
Be that as it may, Fiscal Service Head Bilous can't function without Davydenko. Someone has to manage the work of the fiscal service's thousands of employees and fill the national budget. Bilous himself simply has no time for these matters; he spends most of his time vacationing abroad. I wonder if the Cabinet of Ministers' leadership has ever considered collecting statistics from border guards on his flights to warmer climes? Or are the relevant officials in the Cabinet of Ministers also short of time for work? Perhaps they fly together?
Evriy Baksikov, ORD
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