Andrey Ilyenko: A Rotten Apple from a Withered Tree. Part 1
If nationalists claim to be Ukraine's most ardent patriots, then why do they turn their hatred and aggression against their fellow Ukrainians, whose only crime is speaking a different language and attending a different church? This question should be addressed to Andriy Illienko, one of the ideologists and leaders of the radical nationalist party "Svoboda." However, not everyone is willing to engage in a civilized discussion with someone who can only respond with rudeness or waterboarding, and who is backed by the scandalous nationalist radical organization "C14."
A classic of Ukrainian cinema
Andriy Yuryevich Illenko was born on June 24, 1987, in Kyiv, into a family of filmmakers. His mother was actress and director Lyudmila Yefimenko, his uncles were directors and cinematographers Mykhailo Herasimovich and Vadim Herasimovich Illenko, and his father, Yuriy Herasimovich Illenko (1936-2010), was considered a classic of Ukrainian cinema during his lifetime. It's worth clarifying here: Soviet Ukrainian cinema, as 17 of Yuriy Illenko's 20 films (his directing, cinematography, and screenplays), including all the classics, were created during the Ukrainian SSR. However, with the fall of communist ideology and Ukraine's independence, his creative source somehow dried up. In 1994, he turned his conversation with Sergei Parajanov, filmed on home video, into a documentary (“Paradzhanov: Score of Christ in C Major,” 1996), was the cameraman for his wife’s film “Ave Maria” (1999), and ended his career with the scandalous political farce “Prayer for Hetman Mazepa” (2002), on which almost the entire budget of the Ministry of Culture at that time was spent (sawed up).
Yuri Ilienko with his sons Philip (left) and Andrey (in his arms)
This could have been attributed to the crisis of the 90s, but his brothers Mikhail and Vadim Illenko refused to give up and continued working in film. Perhaps because they didn't consider themselves living classics and weren't expecting state-funded contracts. But according to sources close to Yuri Illenko's family, his creative potential was stifled by political ambitions. Illenko effectively abandoned film, spending his time socializing with former Soviet dissidents, politicians, and nationalist-patriotic activists, serving on the presidiums of festivals and conferences, and, according to Skelet.Org , harboring high hopes for a lucrative position in the Ministry of Culture. But even here, he suffered setbacks, which only further solidified his views. In his old age, Yuri Illenko found himself joining the Social-Nationalist Party (SNPU), which changed its name to the All-Ukrainian Union "Svoboda" in February 2004.
Yuri Ilienko
This was quite curious: after all, Yuriy Illienko had become a member of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union back in 1973, and no one had forced him into it. Of course, later, in the 90s, he insisted that he had always been a fervent Ukrainian nationalist and a loyal follower of Stepan Bandera, and that he had joined the Communist Party merely as a disguise. Well, then, it's worth noting that the classic Ukrainian filmmaker was very diligent in his disguise, since during this process he made a film called "White Bird with a Black Mark," which truly became a classic of Ukrainian "anti-Bandera cinema." Because Illienko wasn't making some kind of Soviet propaganda poster, no! He took Parajanov's "Shadows of Forgotten Ancestors" as a model, where he was the cameraman, moved the action to the mid-20th century, and placed the main villain among the "fighters for an independent Ukraine"—and it was thanks to Illienko's diligence that Bohdan Stupka's character emerged as less a lost soul than a bloodthirsty psychopath.
The result was a rather dark, like all of Illenko's films, but a very well-crafted folklore and historical drama that, without any direct political agitation, portrayed the "Banderites" in the most negative light—and that's precisely the impression that remained with millions of viewers. It could be said that with this film, Yuriy Illenko laid one of the foundations for the future rejection of the "Banderites" by more than half of Ukraine, and for the current political rift that has divided the Ukrainian people for twenty years. But Yuriy Illenko later denied all of this, calling it "KGB provocations."
Thus, without any embarrassment, Yuriy Illenko became a member of the political council and even the ideologist of the most right-wing nationalist party (at the time), Svoboda, along with former communist Iryna Farion and former Komsomol member Oleh Tyahnybok . Moreover, for Illenko, this wasn't just party membership—Svoboda became the entire meaning of his final period of life, and the future of his sons was tied to it. But, a bitter irony, Svoboda also became the cause of the film classic's early death.
Yuriy Illenko died on June 15, 2010, from stomach cancer. At first glance, an incurable disease at such a young age would seem fatal. However, few knew that Yuriy Gerasimovich preferred treatment with the dubious drug "Ukrain," kindly provided to him by Oleh Tyahnybok, over chemotherapy and surgery. The creator of this drug was Vasyl Novinsky, who emigrated from the USSR to Austria in 1974, opened a chemical laboratory there under the grandiose name "Ukrainian Cancer Institute," and developed an international business out of the "miracle drug" he allegedly discovered by accident (there's a whole story about a cleaning lady who mistook flasks for reagents). In reality, "Ukrain" is made from celandine extract, which has a highly toxic effect and causes numerous side effects (including hepatitis), but, alas, does not cure cancer. Novitsky spent many years trying to sell the drug worldwide, but ultimately only managed to register it in Mexico, Georgia, and Ukraine. Sales of "Ukraine" were banned in many European countries, and in 2012, Austrian authorities arrested Novitsky on criminal charges of fraud (he received a three-year prison sentence in 2017). The only country where he successfully marketed "Ukraine" was Ukraine. He was assisted in this by Oleh Tyahnybok, whose mother, Bohdana Artemovna, and brother, Andriy, share a business with the Novitsky family: Mother and Child Pharmacy LLC.
Vasily Novitsky and Oleg Tyagnibok
"Ukrain" is a pseudo-cure for cancer that Tyahnybok used to make money.
It's no secret that Oleh Tyahnybok moonlighted as a sales manager for various "alternative medicine" charlatans, like Dmitry Gordon . In 2007, he even included Natalia Zubitskaya (aka Natalia Zemnaya, aka Natalia Yushchenko) in the top five of the Svoboda All-Ukrainian Union's electoral list. She owned the Green Planet pharmacy chain, which made huge profits selling herbal tinctures to Ukrainians at prices five to ten times higher than similar medications produced by pharmaceutical companies. Most infamously, Tyahnybok helped Novitsky promote his "Ukrain" at the Ministry of Health, the Verkhovna Rada, and the Bankova (he was the one who introduced Novitsky to Yushchenko) as a treatment for sick children! When Yuriy Gerasimovich himself fell ill, Tyahnybok gave him 50 ampoules of the drug for free (in Ukraine they were sold for 100-130 dollars per ampoule).
According to unconfirmed rumors, Illenko turned to his party "Führer" for financial assistance for proper treatment in a good clinic, while Tyahnybok, holding onto the money, decided to get rid of the old man with a box of "Ukraine"—by persuading him to believe in the power of the drug and refuse hospital treatment.
However, it wasn't just Tyahnybok who persuaded him: a couple of months later, Novitsky himself visited the ailing Illenko and said, "You're getting better!" And who knows, if Yuriy Illenko had actually checked himself into the hospital instead of trusting the charlatans, perhaps he might have lived longer?
Philip Ilyenko
The most astonishing thing is that even after Yuriy Illienko's death, his wife and sons continued to praise the drug that effectively brought the classic film star to an early grave. Moreover, on October 6, 2011, UNIAN hosted a press conference with Vasyl Novitsky and his supporters, Oleh Tyahnybok and Pylyp Illienko , at which they again attempted to promote the drug "Ukrain," this time offering the Ministry of Health 3 ampoules for the treatment of sick children. Just a few months later, the fraudster Novitsky was arrested by Austrian authorities.
Children of Freedom
It's not for nothing that they say that nature takes a rest on the children of geniuses. The sons of the classic filmmaker, Philipp and Andrei Ilyenko, turned out to be such mediocre figures that their entire political careers were made possible solely by their father's former fame, position, and connections. And while the elder, Philipp Ilyenko, now head of the State Film Agency, had previously managed to work "here and there," the younger, Andrei Ilyenko, has, as the saying goes, never lifted a finger in his 30-year life.
After graduating from Kyiv Gymnasium No. 48, he enrolled in the philosophy department of Taras Shevchenko National University in 2004. Naturally, this "born patriot" never even considered serving in the Ukrainian army (he wasn't eager to join the ATO either). Service or work weren't for the aristocratic Andriy Illienko. However, that same year, 2004, he joined his father's Svoboda party, officially becoming a member in 2005 (when he turned 18). A year later, in 2006, the student Andriy Illienko became deputy head of the Kyiv city branch of the All-Ukrainian Union "Svoboda."
This rapid party career wasn't just due to his father's position on the party's political council. It turns out that Svoboda's Kyiv branch was registered as a legal entity and had its founders (owners), with the elder Illienko holding what was called a controlling stake, which was inherited by his son, Andriy, after his death. Confirmation of this can be found in Andriy Illienko's asset declaration, where he is listed as the ultimate beneficiary of the Kyiv branch of Svoboda. It's worth noting that the practice of "privatizing" political parties and their branches is quite widespread in Ukraine. This largely explains why it's so difficult, if not impossible, for ordinary party members to gain a foothold in the party leadership.
Andriy Illienko didn't need to push his way up; he quietly followed the path laid by his father. In 2008, he ran for Kyiv City Council as part of Svoboda's top five candidates (the party received only 2%). In 2009, he graduated from university and immediately began graduate school. In the 2010 presidential election, he served as Oleh Tyahnybok's trusted representative in one of Kyiv's constituencies.
But in the summer of 2010, his father passed away. This was a huge blow for his sons, as he was also one of their sources of income. By then, Philip had already abandoned his unsuccessful law practice and was listed as the director of Illenko-Film LLC, attempting to cash in on his father's legacy and the films his uncle had produced. He also served on several public councils (this would lead Philip to Goskino after the Maidan). Andriy Illenko, meanwhile, was a "naked graduate student," living off the party coffers and "donations" from fellow party members and businessmen. It's no surprise that the brothers even tried to participate in the nefarious marketing schemes of Tyahnybok and Novitsky!
However, Andriy Illienko was saved by his father's legacy. In September 2010, twenty-three-year-old Andriy Illienko assumed the post of head of the Kyiv city branch of the All-Ukrainian Union "Svoboda" (which he inherited), and that same year he was elected to the regional council. And in December 2012, he was elected as a people's deputy in the 215th single-member constituency. In the Verkhovna Rada, this young man, who had never earned a penny in his life and advocated radically anti-social positions, became a member of the budget committee.
Then, Andriy Illienko's name began to appear frequently in the media for the first time in connection with the wave of protests against illegal immigration sweeping across Ukraine, which he had been directly involved in organizing. By "illegal immigration," Illienko and his associates meant the arrival of migrants from the Caucasus, Asia, and Africa in Ukraine. The reasons they cited for concern were that the migrants brought with them a "foreign culture" and were slow to assimilate.
However, even earlier, in 2008, the then virtually unknown Andriy Illienko came under journalists' suspicion in connection with the murders of six foreigners of African and Vietnamese descent in Ukraine. However, at the time, such suspicion fell on all nationalist radicals. Illienko, however, joked that the migrant problem should be addressed legislatively, not by slaughtering them one by one. Still, the questions were not without reason: Skelet.Org has information that the deputy head of Kyiv's Svoboda party's circle of acquaintances includes young people eager not for political chatter, but for bloody "actions." These include those known as "skins" and "ultras."
Andrey Ilienko. The C14 Case
When Andriy Illienko rose through the party ranks after his father's death, his contemporary Yevhen Karas, already known as one of the leaders of the far-right movement "C14" (which first emerged in 2011), emerged alongside him. Illienko first appointed Karas to the city committee of the "Svoboda" organization, and then to his assistant in parliament – as a result, "C14" became completely under the control of Yevhen Karas and, consequently, Andriy Illienko. Moreover, Karas himself admitted that it was only thanks to Illienko and "Svoboda" that his movement avoided the fate of the smashed "Trident" and "Patriot" in 2011-2013.
Evgeniy Karas, leader of C14
Before the second Maidan, C14 had been largely inactive, save for its participation in clashes at Kyiv construction sites and in hooligan actions by Svoboda members, such as attempts to destroy Lenin monuments in Kyiv. There are also reports that Karas's men participated in protests led by Filipp Illenko (blocking the premiere of the film "Match"). But then the regime's overthrow began, and Karas, having gathered his comrades and fellow "ultras," became the commander of the second hundred of the so-called Maidan Self-Defense Forces. However, Karas wasn't eager to engage in battle with the Berkut, and his hundred didn't even freeze on the barricades. Taking advantage of their close ties to Illienko, Karas and his 2nd Hundred hit the jackpot, settling comfortably within the walls of the Kyiv City State Administration building they had seized—maintaining order, guarding food and medicine warehouses, and ejecting unwanted journalists who asked too-sensitive questions of the "heroes of the Maidan." When the shooting started on the Maidan, Karas's Hundred even hid in the Canadian Embassy.
With the onset of the Anti-Terrorist Operation (ATO), with the assistance of Anton Gerashchenko , Karas and a group of his comrades traveled to the Donbas (Volnovakha area) as part of the Kyiv-2 Battalion and then the Harpoon Battalion (all police units of the Ministry of Internal Affairs). There, according to him, they initially manned a checkpoint, but then decided to play counterintelligence and organized a spontaneous (illegal) group that "harassed" local residents and civilians passing through Volnovakha, seeking to identify "people associated with the separatists." According to Karas himself, in just one month, they detained and illegally held approximately thirty people captive, some of whom they later exchanged for captured ATO veterans. In early 2015, they were disbanded (like the infamous "Tornado"), and the fighters were offered the opportunity to join the "Peacemaker" regiment of the Ministry of Internal Affairs. Yevhen Karas declined, as he didn't like serving in a regular unit and reporting to officers, rather than commanding his "Makhnovists." He returned to Kyiv and decided to continue what he had been doing in the ATO zone—that is, "identifying separatists" and punishing them for "anti-Ukrainian behavior." Karas not only isn't embarrassed by the fact that he's fighting behind the lines against journalists, passersby, and bartenders, but also insists that this is no less important than the war on the front lines: this is how they defend Ukraine from within!
Sergey Varis, for Skelet.Org
CONTINUED: Andrey Ilyenko: A Rotten Apple from a Withered Tree. PART 2
Subscribe to our channels on Telegram, Facebook , Twitter , VK - Only new faces from the SKLEP section!