The Ministry of Infrastructure has been at the center of the news lately. There's talk of raising train ticket prices, banning Russian planes from flying over Ukraine, some new, semi-mythical port on the Black Sea, and even expanding the minister's powers by transferring some of the functions of the Ministry of Regional Development. This ministry is headed by a "yuppie boy," 38-year-old soldier of the second post-Maidan draft, Andriy Nikolayevich Pivovarsky, who replaced BYuT member Maksym Burbak in this position.Read more about it in the article Maksym Burbak: How Chernivtsi residents sat on Donetsk's "golden toilet") from Arseniy Yatsenyuk's first government. The Ministry of Infrastructure has always been an institution with a high level of corruption – this is due to its specific nature, namely, the large number of tenedras and the considerable "property" it owns – including roads that need repair, all types of transport, and radio frequencies. It's enough to recall the scandals that rocked this government agency during the years of Heorhiy Kirpa and Evgenia ChervonenkoThe current minister is no exception to the rule, we have already written about him corrupt ties with the TIS company, which built an illegal hydraulic structure near the port of Yuzhny. We also wrote about scandals related to the appointment of Ukrposhta executivesMoreover, literally in August of this year, it was Pivovarsky was the first candidate to be removed from the Cabinet of Ministers, which we also reportedBut then, apparently, things turned out alright. Will things turn out alright now, and where did Andrei Pivovarsky come from in power? We'll try to answer these questions in our article.
Eremeev's protégé
Before his appointment as minister, Andriy Mykolayovych had no connection to either public service or infrastructure. He comes from a business background. He began his career at Dragon Capital, which has produced quite a few people who went straight from there to work at the buildings on Hrushevsky and Bankova Street. However, let's talk about how the company's employees, under the leadership of Tomas Fiala We also wrote about tax evasion and general violations of Ukrainian law. He then became the head of the Continuum company, which includes the oil and food assets of the late MP Igor Yeremeyev and his partner, also a MP. Stepan IvakhivBoth deputies organized the "People's Will" group in parliament. The group grew, gradually bribing members of the majority. Despite not being in the coalition, the group voted in sync with the majority for all of Petro Poroshenko's initiatives. Apparently, this was the price for appointing Andriy Pivovarsky to the Cabinet of Ministers under the BPP quota. Yeremeyev directly profited from this. His company, Vog-Retail, became the virtually exclusive supplier of fuel and lubricants to Ukrainian Railways and the Ukrainian Ports Authority. His food companies began supplying food for trains and planes. But these were minor details. According to some reports, the late Igor Yeremeyev was actively interested in ports, particularly Mykolaiv and Odesa, as well as the Odesa Port Plant. Had he lived, without his "pocket" minister, he wouldn't have been able to even consider such a thing. But, as they say, c'est la vie.
Fiala's Protégé or the Second Version
According to another version, Pivovarsky was favored for the position by the aforementioned head of Dragon Capital, Tomas Fiala, who allegedly personally recommended Andriy Mykolayovych to Poroshenko, with whom he has a good relationship. This version is supported by a large number of experts from the investment fund who work or collaborate with the ministry. They primarily evaluate Ministry of Infrastructure assets for potential privatization. Initially, the privatization of Ukrzaliznytsia was discussed, but it was successfully defended, as were Ukrposhta and the seaports. So far, so good. But there are other juicy morsels, for example: the Kyiv Bus Station and 24 bus stations in Kyiv and the region, the Ivano-Frankivsk Locomotive Repair Plant, the building of the Institute of Postgraduate Education for Seafarers and River Workers, the state stevedoring company, the Danube Shipping Company, Inflot, and the river ports. All of these enterprises have already been privatized or are being prepared for privatization. And it's precisely on such deals that investment funds like Dragon Capital make their money. However, the first theory doesn't rule out the second. It's entirely possible that both Igor Eremeev and Tomas Fial interceded on Pivovarov's behalf.
Scandals in the ministry
Since taking office at the ministry, Andriy Nikolayevich has been mired in scandals. Listing them all would be beyond the scope of this article. But let's recall the most high-profile ones. Perhaps the most resonant was the scandal surrounding the appointment of Oleksandr Zavgorodniy as head of Ukrzaliznytsia. The fact is that Pivovarsky appointed him without any competition, based on... Facebook posts that the minister really liked. As a result, Zavgorodniy was caught in opaque tenders and the transfer of all profitable freight transportation services to private companies. Another equally high-profile scandal is the Lviv-Krakovets railway. It was supposed to be a concession—the state plus a private investor. As a result, the state paid for the construction in full, taking out loans with state guarantees. The scandal surrounding the Illichivsk port also deserves attention. Yuri KrukIn October of this year, Odessa Oblast Governor Mikheil Saakashvili finally removed him from his position as port director. But Pivovarsky immediately appointed Kruk as his advisor. Saakashvili was embroiled in another scandal involving the low-cost airline Atlas Jet. Denys Antonyuk, head of the State Aviation Service and a subordinate of Andriy Pivovarsky, was reluctant to grant the airline permission to fly to Odessa, but after the personal intervention of the Odessa governor, who complained directly to the president, he finally granted it. Incidentally, Antonyuk was only suspended from his post, not fired. He may well be reinstated through the courts.
Banal incompetence
Some of the scandals stem not from Andriy Nikolayevich's ill will, but from a simple lack of competence. For example, this summer, the minister claimed to have abolished Ukravtodor—the very same agency that drivers hate so much they put stickers on their cars to that effect. In reality, it's alive and well, and what Pyvovarsky abolished is called the State Corporation "Automobile Roads of Ukraine." Incompetence also underpinned the reform, which would transfer 65% of roads to local authorities. Experts say they simply can't afford it. Ukrzaliznytsia still can't formulate reasonable tariffs and present them to the public, and this, too, is a sign of incompetence—not on the part of the railway workers, who understandably conceal these calculations, but on the part of the minister, who can't force them to do so. And then Andriy Nikolayevich issued a statement in which he called river transport promising. And this is in a country where river ports lie in ruins, and the river fleet was long ago cut up for scrap metal.
PR and anti-PR
Where the Minister of Infrastructure has truly excelled is in PR. The ministry makes statements almost weekly, each more bravura than the last. Ever more ambitious plans for reforming the industry are being formulated and announced. And Andriy Nikolayevich himself is a likeable man, European and intelligent, with an American education. One wants to believe him. However, the PR efforts are wasted daily. Almost all Ukrainians are, to one degree or another, clients of the Ministry of Infrastructure's enterprises. They travel on roads, on trains, use mobile phones, and, as they say, experience firsthand the difference between the minister's pronouncements and the harsh reality. And now he's made enemies, who are cruelly attacking him in the PR arena. For example, in July of this year, billboards appeared with the slogan: "Beer + Baileys = Does Dad Know?" Papa is Poroshenko, beer is Pivovarsky, and Beilis is Mikhail Beilin, a freelance presidential adviser close to Boris Lozhkin and in charge of infrastructure in the presidential administration. This poster, apparently, hinted at some kind of "intrigue" between them behind Petro Poroshenko's back. The initiator of these public hints is believed to be one of the leaders of the BPP, MP Ihor Kononenko. He himself wanted to take this position, as he rather opaquely hinted to the whole country in an interview with Focus magazine. Then billboards appeared with the following placards: "Absinthe + Sauvignon Blanc. Papa knows everything," "Egg liqueur + moonshine. Papa knows everything," and "Rogan + Cognac. Papa knows everything." Sauvignon Blanc is Maksym Blank, deputy director of Ukrzaliznytsia, and Rogan is Arsen Avakov (Read more about it in the article Arsen Avakov: The criminal past of the Minister of Internal Affairs), and Egg Liqueur – Arseniy Yatsenyuk. Apparently, the author of this campaign enjoyed the trolling.
What will happen next?
Very soon, on December 11-12, the Verkhovna Rada will hear the Cabinet of Ministers' progress report. The situation is such that the Prime Minister himself could be fired. The Radical Party has left the coalition and will likely vote for his resignation or a vote of no confidence simply out of principle. A revolt by the "15 Spartans" is also looming within the BPP. Batkivshchyna, as always, is wavering. Yulia Tymoshenko She went to the anti-tariff Maidan to see Oleh Lyashko and is clearly hinting that she might do so again. In short, there will have to be some bargaining. This means handing over lucrative positions to opportunistic partners who could extend Arseniy Petrovich's political life. It's highly likely that the positions of Minister of Health and Minister of Fuel and Energy are already up for auction. But these two positions may not be enough, and then the Ministry of Agriculture and Infrastructure will have to be handed over. So, it's entirely possible that in just two weeks, Andriy Pivovarsky will return to a more familiar and understandable role as an investment banker or managing a company. So, as early as early December, everyone could win: he, the country's infrastructure, and Ukraine.
Denis Ivanov, for SKELET-info
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If they are not Georgians, then Avakov is not the same because politics did not work out, Let us call the speeches by their proper names, since Avakov came to earn money!
An absolutely stupid and deceitful person
Pivovarsky is responsible for replacing a professional who does not accept corruption and does not lie under the rule. There are poor roads in Ukraine. Hundreds of billions of hryvnias were raised through those that the Ministry of Infrastructure, in fact, approved the initiative of the Cabinet of Ministers to restrict the transport inspection. As a result, vantages have increased two to three times, and at the same time, no matter where you go, you can see how many have been lost from these vantages... There is a renewed bacchanalia with passenger transportation. Banditry simply flourishes there, which is “crisis” among the leading branches of the ministry. A scandal involving the government service, which is also subordinate to the minister. Purchased from Ukrzaliznytsya. These are the main problems, eliminate them and maximize your nutrition.
Father Beilin's Shadow
This morning we went to Bankova Street. The boss was summoned for a talk. They said there were a lot of questions. The boss was in a terrible mood. "And we haven't accumulated any answers yet," he muttered. On the second floor, Beilin wandered the corridor like the sad ghost of Hamlet's father. "Andryusha, I'm lost," he grabbed the boss by the sleeve. He looked terrible—his fashionable jacket was rumpled, his stubble was sticking out. Markovich recounted how the wily Lozhkin had foisted an assistant on him. "He said that a good boy named Seryozha Shut, who handled Kaskiv's black cash register, was there to keep me out of the spotlight, just to help me out," Beilin hurried to recount.
And after just two days of working with the "good boy," Mikhail Markovich's office was taken away. "They disconnected the corporate phone, Andryusha, that's completely outrageous! And I came to the DUS like a beggar to ask for a new number. And Serezha Berezenko has already been transferred to parliament; I have to ask Lyosha Zosenko, and that's humiliating. Why should I ask?"
"This is terrible, we need to get to the bottom of it," muttered the boss. Yesterday, during lunch break, the Jester stopped by the ministry. He told the boss they wouldn't be sending him any more proxies from Bankova Street. He was his own boss now – he could reform as much as he wanted. As a parting gesture, he suggested a game of poker. And within an hour, he'd won 16 UZ departments from the boss.
Lozhkin greeted us surprisingly kindly. He advised the boss not to worry too much. "Don't worry about it—easy come, easy go. You'll get your revenge yet. Bet against the Zaliznychpostach departments; Khoroshchak has already been warned," Lozhkin smiled.
Is it just us or is the boss being taken for a ride?
Loser or restaurateur?
It was a typical end to the workday at the Ministry of Infrastructure. The boss sighed with relief, took a last sip of coffee, placed us on the table, grabbed his jacket, and was about to leave when the phone rang. It was Omelyan.
"So, we're waiters! Waiters, you understand?!" Volodya babbled haltingly. "Did you read Grigorishin's interview on UP?" Omelyan persisted. "Read it! He called us waiters, service personnel!"
The boss had been called all sorts of things before: a reformer, ingratiating themselves with him; and a deregulator, trying to antagonize him. But a waiter? So the boss dressed us again, opened his laptop, found Grigorishinan's interview with Ukrainska Pravda, and began reading.
"...When Lozhkin is involved in personnel policy with loser or fraudulent restaurateurs and investment bankers, that's a mistake," the boss read Grigorishin's words and wondered why Volodya Omelyan was so upset.
"It's still better to be a restaurateur's protégé than a loser investment banker or a swindler," the chef thought, dialing Beilin's number. "Hello, Misha. It's good that you got me the minister's job, and not that loser Mazepa. Better to be with a restaurateur than a loser!" the chef joked into the phone. "You're a fool, Andryusha. Read the rest of the article. We've had enough of the cargo transportation business, now we're all screwed," the restaurateur replied sadly, and hung up.
The boss began reading. Grigorishin was talking about corruption at Ukrzaliznytsia, about how SCM entities, with the boss's tacit approval, were transporting freight by rail for pennies. The boss became thoughtful. He felt like he'd fooled everyone, handed over tariff matters to Zavgorodniy, and, in his rapt love for Metinvest, had successfully let everything slide. He promised to raise tariffs, but didn't specify a timeframe.
The boss brushed us off and decided to call Beilin again: "Misha, let's raise the rates. Grigorishin's making a big fuss, saying we're working in SCM's interests." But the restaurateur wasn't listening. "Don't worry, Andryusha. Don't worry," the voice on the other end replied.
But the boss couldn't help but twitch.
The chef was tormented, lost in his thoughts, but decided to read the interview to the end. Grigorishin then brought up the president. He advised him to take a bold personnel step – jail three of his friends, just like the renowned Singaporean politician Lee Kuan Yew had done. "Jail them?" the chef twitched. He certainly hadn't expected this ending to the day. What if the president listened to Grigorishin and became like Lee Kuan Yew? Who would they jail then: the restaurateur or the waiters?