Artem Sytnyk: The Prosperous Life of the Chief Anti-Corruption Enforcer
In 2015, all of Ukraine rejoiced at the creation of the National Anti-Corruption Bureau, meaning that all those found wanting would be brought to justice. It is headed by 35-year-old Artem Sytnyk – a conscientious detective, a lawyer who abhors corruption, and the hope of all Ukrainians. However, as it turns out, the top anti-corruption official concealed many facts about his biography. For example, he worked for a company implicated in one of the high-profile corruption scandals in the Kyiv region; he defended Prosecutor Babenko, a suspect in unprecedented cases – the theft of journalist Gongadze's body from the Tarashcha morgue and the illegal release of former MP Viktor Lozinsky from prison; and, on top of all this, he is friends with the country's most notorious corrupt officials.
We present to you the unknown biography of someone who "embarked" on the path of fighting kickbacks, bribery, and cronyism.
Artem Sytnyk. The Beginning of a Long Journey
Artem Sergeyevich Sytnyk was born in the urban-type settlement of Kompaneivka in the Kirovohrad region in 1979, where he graduated from high school with a gold medal. According to his father, the head of the Kompaneivka District Road Administration, his son loved history, law, and physical education—precisely the subjects required for admission to the law academy. Naturally, Sytnyk Jr. enrolled in the Yaroslav the Wise National Law Academy of Ukraine in Kharkiv (the admission bribe averages between $5,000 and $20,000). He graduated with honors in 2001. That same year, he returned to Kirovohrad and began working as an assistant district prosecutor. Six months later, he was promoted to investigator, and two years later, he became head of the investigative department of the Kirovohrad Regional Prosecutor's Office.
At the time, Artem Sergeyevich was a subordinate of Prosecutor Vladimir Babenko. Babenko is wanted for the illegal release of deputy-murderer Viktor Lozinsky and is implicated in the theft of Georgiy Gongadze's body from the Tarashcha morgue. Moreover, Sytnyk would later become the infamous prosecutor's lawyer. He could not have been unaware of his boss's activities, but he chose to defend him. During the competition for the position of head of the National Anti-Corruption Bureau, Artem Sytnyk concealed his connection to Babenko.
When Sytnyk takes over as head of the National Anti-Corruption Bureau, he'll start touting how, during his seven years with the Kirovohrad bureau, he investigated over 300 criminal cases and held judges, prosecutors, and officials accountable. However, Artem Sergeyevich can't recall a single specific high-profile case. Incidentally, journalists also dug around but couldn't find any. It later emerged that Sytnyk is proud of some of his work. For example, the investigation into election fraud in 2004 in Kirovohrad's 100th electoral district. The investigation lasted three years (!!!), and eight members of the electoral commission were held accountable. The fact that two more election campaigns took place within those three years somehow didn't impress the top anti-corruption activist. Another case of Artem Sergeyevich's that became a source of pride: in 2006, he brought to court a case against six people involved in the creation of a conversion center that laundered more than 1 billion hryvnia.
Work in the capital
Artem Sytnyk: connections and schemes
In August 2008, Sytnyk was transferred to the position of head of the investigative department of the Kyiv Regional Prosecutor's Office. The promotion for the 27-year-old senior investigator was, frankly, a staggering one. One might have believed in Artem Sergeyevich's genius, if not for one "but"—his close ties to Oleksandr Gardetsky, the former Kyiv Regional Prosecutor, who had previously worked as a prosecutor in Kirovohrad. It was Gardetsky who lured Sytnyk to the capital and landed him a cushy job a month after his appointment. Incidentally, Oleksandr Gardetsky is not just a prosecutor; he is a unique figure in the history of the Ukrainian Prosecutor's Office. He organized criminal schemes (Vasilkovsky Interdistrict Prosecutor Yevgeny Litvinenko-Bryum, personally appointed by Gardetsky, extorted bribes from businessmen under the guise of his boss), was involved in the redistribution of power (the high-profile murder of Tarashcha District Prosecutor Sergei Mruk by his assistant, appointed to his position at the direction and insistence of Gardetsky himself), and managed the dismissal of criminal cases. Artem Sytnyk was not involved in these cases, except perhaps by remaining silent about his boss's crimes and covering them up. And then, unexpectedly, he became a principled fighter against corruption.
Artem Sergeyevich worked as the head of the investigative department of the Kyiv regional prosecutor's office for 3 years.
In 2001, he submitted his resignation, citing his inability to tolerate the rampant lawlessness of Yanukovych's rule. Allegedly, Viktor Fedorovich appointed governors who simply committed outrages. But there's a discrepancy here. It turns out that Sytnyk spent a whole year overcoming his own self-control, going against his own views, and covering for Yanukovych's gang of corrupt officials. After all, the now-fugitive guarantor came to power in 2010. It's worth noting that during that year, Artem Sergeyevich never once hinted at disagreement with the "Donetsk" government or its biased agenda.
As it turned out, things were much more interesting. Artyom Sergeyevich had no intention of leaving the force at all; the reason was an unexpected conflict with the regional prosecutor, Mikhail Vityaz. He was appointed to the post in late 2010. So to speak, Sytnyk "didn't get along" with his boss. It wasn't a matter of political views or work issues; the men simply disagreed over the gambling money.
The name of prosecutor Mikhail Vityaz is closely associated with Kyiv's underground casinos. Even though gambling was banned in 2009, illegal establishments continued to open. And for them to function and make money, they need protection. Experience shows that the best protection is from the prosecutor's office. Of course, one could imagine that Sytnyk, the head of the regional prosecutor's office's investigative department, was unaware of Vityaz's dealings, but that would be ridiculous. Most likely, Vityaz shared a good chunk of money with the young man, who simply kept quiet. But there's also another possibility: if the honest Sytnyk knew about his boss's corrupt schemes, why did he conceal it? The question remains unanswered.
Artem Sergeyevich and Vityaz also clashed over another issue. One day, Sytnyk forgot to warn the prosecutor that investigators would be arresting Ihor Osipenko, head of the Kyiv Oblast Department of Culture and Tourism, red-handed, for accepting a $40 bribe. The bribe-taking official was arrested, and Vityaz clearly explained to his overly independent subordinate that going over his head was against the rules.
In addition, according to some sources, Artem Sergeyevich has repeatedly “covered up” the ex-MP’s people Bogdan Gubsky — Yulia Tymoshenko's right-hand man. In particular, Oleksandr Kapitonov, the head of the Kapitoshki organized crime group.
Artem Sytnik. Legal and Illegal Matters
In 2011, after being fired, Artem Sytnik decided to fight the system and went to work for the law firm "Legal Guarantees." The young lawyer was doing well. Just a year later, Sytnik's employers took him on as a partner (he owned 20% of the shares) and entrusted him with the important position of "managing partner." His career rise was astounding, but it's time to get personal.
The company "Legal Guarantees" was founded in the late 90s by the odious Yuriy Gaysinsky, three times former: 1st Deputy Prosecutor General of Ukraine (1992-1993), prosecutor of Kyiv - Deputy Prosecutor General (2000-2002) and prosecutor of the Kyiv region (2002-2007), a man of the "gray cardinal" under President Leonid Kuchma Alexander Volkov, a good friend Viktor Medvedchuk and a businessman Grigory Surkis, and also the father-in-law of the Kharkiv mayor Gennady Kernes (Gepa's wife is Oksana Gaisinskaya).
Yuri Gaisinsky
Previously, the firm "Legal Guarantees" was known as "Korda" (from 1994 to 2000) and "Yuri Gaysinsky and Partners" (from 2000 to 2003). While at "Korda," Gaysinsky distinguished himself by defending such criminal figures as Sergei Stashchenko ("Stas") and Timur Savlokhov ("Savlokha"). Skelet.Org It was established that he was friends with prominent figures in the criminal underworld—for example, Igor Tkachenko (Cherep), Vyacheslav Peresetsky (Fascist), and Viktor Avdyshev. Rumor has it that Prosecutor Gaysinsky personally ordered his deputy to release Cherep from custody, and opened a green light for Viktor Avdyshev to travel abroad. Furthermore, Yuri Gaysinsky once defended Mikhail Brodsky, former prime minister Efim Zvyagilsky, head of the Black Sea Shipping Company Pavel Kudyukin.
However, there's a more interesting case involving Gaysinsky. It's a large-scale corruption scheme in Kyiv dating back to the mid-2000s. The country's current top anti-corruption official is also implicated.
So, the company "Legal Guarantees" is registered at the following address: Kyiv, Volodymyrska Street, 61/11, Office 43. Several other companies were also registered at this address: Korda LLC, Astra, Business and Law, STV (liquidated in 2011), and the company "Columbus." It is the latter that attracts attention. Incidentally, according to Sytnyk himself, he was unaware that a company like "Columbus" was located on the premises. This is logical, given its history, which includes account freezes and a criminal investigation. This occurred in 2007. During Yuriy Gaysinsky's final days as Kyiv Oblast Prosecutor, a criminal case was opened against the land administration of the Obukhiv District. The officials were accused of ceding land on Bezymyanny Island near Kyiv to private individuals. This 10-hectare property is surrounded by the Dnieper River. More precisely, the land is located at kilometers 101–102 of the Dnieper River fairway (Kozin urban-type settlement, Kraivid-2 residential complex). These are water fund lands and are not subject to privatization. However, the deal was eventually completed, and the firm "Columbus" was involved.
The suspects included Alexander Mogilny, deputy head of the Obukhovsky District Land Resources Department, his subordinates, and officials from the regional Main Land Resources Directorate. The case generated unprecedented publicity, and many were targeted, as the Prosecutor General's Office became interested in the matter.
But Artem Sytnyk, who was the head of the investigative department of the Kyiv Regional Prosecutor's Office at the time, was unaware of the affair. Otherwise, how could he have gone to work three years later and become a partner of such a corrupt official?
True, the prosecutor's office would have been unlikely to achieve anything in this case. The firm "Columbus" managed to sell the land to a certain firm called "Famiy" for the paltry price of 750 hryvnias. The transaction was deemed legal. Incidentally, the court issued its ruling in the spring of 2008. Sytnyk was already working in the prosecutor's office.
There are also several more facts that prove Gaysinsky's involvement with the firm "Columbus." A co-owner of "Columbus" (a certain Valeriy Voevodin) is a co-founder of "Legal Guarantees" LLC. Nadezhda Voevodina, Gaysinsky's partner at the firm "Korda," represented the interests of the firm "Famiy" in court, the same firm that purchased the land on Bezymyanny Island from "Columbus." Alexey Shekhovtsov also figured in the twists and turns. After Artem Sytnyk left "Legal Guarantees," he took his place. As everyone understands, Sytnyk left to become the head of the National Anti-Corruption Bureau of Ukraine (NABU).
There's another high-profile story that proves Artem Sytnyk is under Yuriy Gaysinsky's thumb. Artem Sergeyevich provided legal services to Kompas LLC since 2011. It was directly linked to Legal Guarantees, as it was registered at the same address. Kompas was at the center of the 2008 kidnapping scandal involving the former First Deputy Prosecutor General of Ukraine.
Gaysinsky and his client, Vladimir Vorontsov, were in Paris on business. They were negotiating the supply of materials for the construction of the sarcophagus at the Chernobyl Nuclear Power Plant. The construction was to be funded by a non-repayable grant from the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development (€368 million). The French company NOVARKA was the construction company, but the building materials were to be purchased from Polish intermediaries. The company Kompas was involved in the operation. However, Gaysinsky was unexpectedly kidnapped by unknown assailants in broad daylight in Paris. The kidnappers demanded a ransom of $20 million, but then changed their demands and released him. Vorontsov, meanwhile, was arrested by French police.
How Sytnyk was elected to the NABU
Petro Poroshenko and Artem Sytnyk
The best position in our country is that of a martyr to the regime. Artem Sytnyk fit this image perfectly. It's enough to recall why he left the police—he allegedly felt pressured and oppressed by the Yanukovych regime. After that, the only way to look forward to a bright new future is to take a cushy job fighting corruption. Artem Sergeyevich did just that. He applied for the position of bureau head.
And here we encounter the intricacies of the NABU selection process. A special commission was supposed to select candidates and propose them to the President, who, in turn, would choose one. This, of course, would suggest a fair selection process, if it weren't for the reality of Ukraine. In reality, out of more than 140 candidates, four remained. Afterwards, the SBU vetted them, and three remained. The situation became even more interesting when three candidates had to be chosen from three to present to the President. The task wasn't particularly difficult. The President ultimately chose between Artem Sytnyk and Mykola Seriy. The first candidate received the position.
(At that time, money was transported by KAMAZ trucks for appointments to such positions, which went directly to the top officials of the Presidential Administration and the President himself. This is also worth considering.).
A scandal erupted during Sytnyk's appointment. Lawyer Yuriy Sukhov filed a lawsuit in the Pechersk Court, demanding that the results of the competitive selection of candidates for the position of head of the NABU be declared illegal. It turned out that since 2014, Yuriy Sukhov and Sytnyk's opponent, Mykola Seriy, had represented Yulia Tymoshenko in the "gas case," and later, after the Maidan, Pechersk Court judge Oksana Tsarevich. It's likely that this was the reason Poroshenko gave the position to Artem Serhiyovych. However, the court dismissed the lawsuit, and Sytnyk took the chair as head of the NABU.Let's remember the KAMAZ trucks with money for the appointment).
Another interesting fact to note: on the eve of the personnel decision, Artem Sytnik was frequently in Moscow. This was reported by the deputy Oleg LyashkoWe won't accuse anyone of "betrayal," but there is speculation that the personnel decision regarding Sytnyk went far beyond the bounds of our modest state.
Artem Sytnyk will serve as NABU Director for seven years, longer than the President and the Verkhovna Rada.
What distinguished Artem Sytnyk?
A dubious visit
In September 2015, the Prosecutor General's Office launched a pre-trial investigation against Artem Sytnyk following an appeal to the prosecutor's office by a Ukrainian MP. Vitaly KupriyaThe whole thing was blamed on Sytnyk's "questionable" visit to England with a strange delegation. Artem Sergeyevich flew to Foggy Albion with his wife and the enigmatic Iryna Danko, who proudly introduced herself as an assistant to the head of NABU. The case was closed after the bureau's head explained everything – it turned out that, like a true man, he had purchased his wife's plane tickets at his own expense. The public believed it. Moreover, help came from the UK. The UK embassy stated that Sytnyk and his colleagues' trip was part of a program of assistance to the Ukrainian government and agencies in the fight against corruption at all levels, implemented by the UK. They claimed that the British side covered the expenses associated with the visit of Mr. Artem Sytnyk and the delegation, and the head of NABU himself actually reimbursed his wife's travel expenses. The public believed it – take 2.
Incidentally, Anna Sytnik practices law from home, in the Ovatsio residential complex (this is the same apartment officially registered to the head of NABU).
Land for sale in Crimea
In early 2016, the Sytnik family apparently decided to get rid of their land in the "Crimea is not ours" region. Anna Sytnik listed a 0,4-hectare plot of land near Sevastopol, in the "Mirage" gardening cooperative—better known as the Orlovka resort—for sale online. The listed price was 1 million hryvnias. However, the seller offered negotiation.
Socks for 373 UAH. In a spectacular display of unprecedented generosity, NABU purchased uniforms for its special forces in early 2016. All would have been well spent, except for the fact that a pair of winter socks cost 373 hryvnias. Artem Sytnyk's deputy, Anatoliy Novak, accounted for every penny, while the NABU head himself added that NATO-level special forces gear costs around 13 euros, while they managed to keep it to 50 hryvnias. Considering this, the bureau managed to save significantly on the special forces' gear. However, it's still unclear who wears this uniform.
Wiretapping of telephones. According to the data Skelet.Org In May of this year, Artem Sergeyevich appealed to the Verkhovna Rada with a request to grant the agency the right to independently wiretap citizens' conversations, bypassing the SBU, the Ministry of Internal Affairs, and the Prosecutor General's Office. This would expedite the investigative process and prevent information leaks. However, there's a caveat: firstly, the criteria by which NABU will decide who to wiretap and who not are unclear; secondly, there are plenty of agencies with similar powers, and the National Bureau would need compelling grounds to refuse to cooperate with them in investigative actions (if they were to be carried out, of course).
Withdrawal of $150 million from frozen accountsThe chief anti-corruption official decided to astound the public with a major investigation. Artem Sytnyk announced that the agency had launched an investigation into the illicit withdrawal of $150 million from frozen accounts. The accounts allegedly belong to the former head of the National Bank of Ukraine, Serhiy Arbuzov, and his companies. However, the name of the company, the address of the premises where the search was conducted, and the identity of the "people's deputy" have not been officially disclosed. And then a completely viable theory emerged. Perhaps Sytnyk, who is, quite frankly, controlled by Poroshenko, wants to open cases against companies that are the subject of his financial interest. Igor KononenkoWhy is that? The fact is that Igor Kononenko is the current President's "grey cardinal." He has been accused of corruption schemes and the illegal privatization of state-owned enterprises. The gist of it is simple: charges are brought against someone innocent of the case, the company's assets are seized, the judge makes the "correct and necessary" decision, and the company's capital is returned to the state. Or rather, into his pocket. Poroshenko, Kononenko or Sytnik.
Kyoto fundsThe state-owned enterprise "Ukrainian Ecological Investments" embezzled 480 million hryvnias received under the Kyoto Protocol. It turned out that officials orchestrated the acquisition of fictitious business entities and ensured their victory in tenders for the reconstruction of lighting networks. In this case, the National Anti-Corruption Bureau of Ukraine (NABU) detained a group of individuals involved in the illegal activity. This makes this the first corruption case launched by anti-corruption activists. However, the big question is whether the right people are being held accountable. Especially considering that one of those detained is the secretary of the State Procurement Committee.
"Vendetta" for Shokin. Didn't have time. Viktor Shokin He was about to "retire," as the NABU had become interested in him. Artem Sytnyk said there was a possibility the former Prosecutor General could be prosecuted. He didn't specify what charges, though. Although, the main thing is the will, and the charges will be found. On the other hand, this seems like a vendetta. It was Shokin who attempted to prosecute Sytnyk for abuse of office and abuse of power after the infamous trip to England.
"No" for students. Many say a new generation of young and zealous people will be able to purge the new government. However, Artem Sytnyk is against students joining the bureau. He believes that newcomers won't be able to handle the types of cases investigated by NABU.
Artem Sytnyk, the head of the NABU, is "on the brink of poverty."
In 2015, Artem Sytnyk shocked all of Ukraine. After applying for the position of head of the NABU, he disclosed his income declaration. It turned out that the renowned lawyer, working for a prestigious law firm, earned as much as a simple supermarket clerk. In fact, Artem Sergeyevich declared 23,5 hryvnias in income for 2014. It's one of two things: he either did a poor job or lied. Only in this situation did Sytnyk manage to get away with it. He told his detractors that he spent so much time on the Maidan that he had no time to earn money. Meanwhile, other family members earned another 113.
The country's top anti-corruption official earns 60 hryvnias per month. Therefore, his income increased in 2015, and Sytnyk leapt above the poverty line and is now quite wealthy. (More details: The top brass of the Prosecutor General's Office and the National Anti-Corruption Bureau of Ukraine (NABU) revealed their income.).
In 2016, Artem Sytnyk's salary was the envy of every Ukrainian. It reached almost 100 hryvnias in the first month of summer. Sytnyk's basic salary was 87 hryvnias, his seniority bonus was 26 hryvnias, and his bonus for work involving access to state secrets was approximately 9 hryvnias.
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There was a joke in Soviet times in which one character asks another what he does. The answer is, "I fan the flames of world revolution. The work isn't dusty, and most importantly, it's eternal."
Ukraine's fight against corruption looks suspiciously like a similar "best effort"
Arina Dmitrieva, for Skelet.Org
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