Oleg Makhnitsky
The statement by Svoboda leader Oleh Tyahnybok that former Prosecutor General Oleh Makhnitsky will not run for the Verkhovna Rada on the party's list is, at first glance, surprising. How could this be? Makhnitsky assumed the position of acting Prosecutor General at such a difficult time for the country! It was he who initiated criminal cases against members of the former government, beginning with Yanukovych, Azarov, and Pshonka. Why was such a distinguished public figure not included on the electoral lists?
However, for those knowledgeable and interested in the details of the newly appointed officials' activities, Tyahnybok's words weren't particularly news. Oleh Yaroslavovych didn't explain the reasons for Makhnitsky's absence from the party lists, but they are well known. The former Prosecutor General left such a legacy during his short tenure, including involvement in several rather unpleasant scandals that erupted after his resignation, that his presence on Svoboda's lists could lower the party's rating, which was already on the verge of breaking the electoral threshold (i.e., below 5%). Therefore, Oleh Tyahnybok hedged his bets, knowing that all of his ally's "achievements" would come to light during the election campaign. And there were plenty of them to permanently tarnish Svoboda's already highly controversial reputation.
First of all, when it comes to Oleh Makhnitsky's performance as Prosecutor General, yes, the first thing that comes to mind is his opening of criminal proceedings against Yanukovych and many other politicians and officials from his entourage. At numerous press conferences and in his comments, he created the illusion that the new government was fighting crime, especially that related to the country's fugitive leaders. The Prosecutor General's Office opened two criminal cases against former President Viktor Yanukovych: for the seizure of state power in 2010 and for "actions aimed at changing or overthrowing the constitutional order or seizing state power." Former Prime Minister Mykola Azarov is wanted for abuse of power. And the Prosecutor General's Office opened four criminal cases against his predecessor, Viktor Pshonka, a lover of high living standards and pomp. According to Makhnitsky, a total of 42 criminal cases related to representatives of the former government were opened.
Immediately after his appointment, Oleh Igorevich promised to investigate the causes of deaths on the Maidan during the winter standoff and to return the money stolen by the former government. He was the one who voiced the theory that Yanukovych had smuggled approximately $32 billion in cash to Russia. However, this claim is more than absurd, as a million dollars weighs ten kilograms, and that amount of money wouldn't fit even on a domestically produced An-225 aircraft.
Oleh Makhnitsky fought both separatists and dishonest judges, especially those who convicted Yulia Tymoshenko and Yuriy Lutsenko. But this is just a veneer. In reality, the former Prosecutor General never brought any of these high-profile cases to trial. Just a few days after his appointment, he announced 50 suspects in the Maidan shootings. But no one has been punished. This is all a publicity stunt that has nothing to do with the Prosecutor General's professional duties.
At the same time, Oleg Igorevich has hushed up many cases. In particular, the investigation into the Odesa tragedy that occurred on May 2 has been virtually closed. Who was behind the deaths of 48 people? Why did the mass clashes occur? There are no answers to these and many other questions. This is likely because, as media reports have indicated, there was no Russian involvement in organizing these clashes, and new leaders—former National Security and Defense Council Secretary Andriy Parubiy and Dnipropetrovsk Regional State Administration Head Ihor Kolomoisky—are now implicated.
Makhnitsky collapsed the case of the so-called "Boyko rigs"—drilling rigs that a company controlled by oligarch Dmytro Firtash sold at an inflated price to state-owned Chornomornaftogaz. The profit amounted to approximately $300 million. The Prosecutor General's Office found Valeriy Yasyuk, former head of Chornomornaftogaz, not guilty. The Prosecutor General's Office also brought no charges against Firtash or his associates: former head of the Yanukovych presidential administration Serhiy Lyovochkin and former Vice President Yuriy Boyko, who oversaw the deal. It appears this deal significantly supplemented Oleh Makhnitsky's family income.
The former Prosecutor General also dismissed the case against his fellow party members—MPs Ihor Miroshnichenko, Andriy Illenko, and Bohdan Benyuk—who had forced acting NTU President Oleksandr Panteleimonov to resign. The MPs beat him, then forced him into an SUV and drove him to an unknown location. The incident sparked public outrage: the new government was effectively using the same forceful methods as its predecessors, something protested by the Maidan protests that winter. But Oleh Makhnitsky "forgave" the parliamentarians their minor illegal pranks.
In a sense, Miroshnichenko’s tricks, Illienko And Benyuk's actions appear just that when compared to the actions of the former Prosecutor General himself. Oleh Makhnitsky is no champion of justice. Even before his appointment, the former official was involved in criminal cases. For example, he is a co-founder of the law firm Valko & Makhnitsky, which he founded in 2003. As an entrepreneur, Oleh Igorevich took out loans from various banks: Industrial Bank, Credit Agricole Bank, and UniCredit Bank. As it turns out, the future acting Prosecutor General's business activities were so "successful" that these banks (as of 2008) blacklisted him. The loans, of course, weren't small. They amounted to hundreds of thousands of hryvnias, which Makhnitsky embezzled.
The former official has a reputation for corruption. As Prosecutor General, he apparently turned a blind eye to numerous violations of the law, but certainly not for free. Several notable stories surfaced during his tenure as Prosecutor General. For example, Oleh Makhnitsky petitioned the Austrian authorities to lift the freeze on the accounts of Andriy Klyuyev, former head of the presidential administration under Yanukovych. The letter emphasized the need to lift the freeze on Klyuyev's accounts due to insufficient evidence of his guilt. As is known, Austria froze Klyuyev's accounts and opened a criminal case under two counts: money laundering and abuse of power. In April, Klyuyev was placed on the international wanted list.
Why would the Prosecutor General's Office request the lifting of the freeze on the accounts of a person suspected of money laundering? Apparently, because someone needed the funds. However, the letter was leaked to the media, and newly appointed Prosecutor General Vitaly Yarema retracted it and promised to investigate. But this is just one episode in Makhnitsky's biography. Sources claim that under the former Prosecutor General, the sale of positions continued. The regional prosecutor's office was worth approximately three million dollars. The newly appointed official vacated the positions for sale immediately upon joining the Prosecutor General's Office, dismissing several employees.
Moreover, while serving as Prosecutor General, he was eyeing up luxury housing in Novopecherskie Lipky, located at 14 Drahomyrova Street. The acting Prosecutor General arrived there in a luxury car—an expensive, new Mercedes—surrounded by security guards. Where the official got such money is perfectly obvious. However, according to his income declarations, he lives on his salary alone. In 2011, he earned a "massive" sum—1,950 hryvnias. In 2012, 13,604 hryvnias. In 2013, 231,892 hryvnias. From 2004 to 2008, he did not declare any income at all, despite being a businessman. Makhnitsky's family also earned a small fortune—a little over 40,000 hryvnias. Makhnitsky owns almost no real estate.
Meanwhile, news of yet another scandal involving the former Prosecutor General recently swept the internet. An online resource published an article titled "Did Makhnitsky and Kubiv Give the Police Money to Hush Up a Scandal with Girls?" The article recounts an incident involving Makhnitsky and Kubiv (the former head of the NBU) that occurred in mid-June. The two former officials decided to celebrate their retirements at the Lesnaya hotel and restaurant complex, located in the village of Glebovka in the Vyshgorod district of the Kyiv region. A separate cottage with a sauna was rented for a relaxing getaway, and several employees of a Kyiv escort agency were invited. That morning, a scuffle broke out between Kubiv, presumably Kubiv, and one of the escorts. The conflict allegedly arose because the clients refused to pay for the women's return travel. Other sources claim the dispute was sparked by Kubiv's theft of 30,000 euros. To resolve the situation, the complex's staff had to call a police squad from the local Vyshgorod district police department.
According to information received from Vyshgorod District Police Department officers, a representative from the prosecutor's office visited the department immediately after the online publication about Makhnitsky and Kubiv's escapades. He demanded that the department's leadership not only issue him a certificate stating that no police raid had taken place at the Lesnaya Hotel and Restaurant Complex on the night of June 19 and the morning of that same day, but also prepare a similar statement for the media. The authors of the article speculate that Oleg Makhnitsky paid a large sum to hush up the scandal.
You'll agree that the involvement of a prominent official or politician in a sex scandal is far more damaging to one's reputation than corruption. Therefore, Oleg Makhnitsky tried his best to conceal this shameful fact. When it became clear that the incident had become public knowledge, Oleg Igorevich decided to file a lawsuit. Makhnitsky demanded that the information be established as untrue and retracted. According to the lawsuit, the article is based on facts that are unsubstantiated and contradict reality, depicts Oleg Makhnitsky's supposed luxury lifestyle, contains slanderous statements about his immoral behavior, and is aimed at cultivating a negative image of him.
According to the former Prosecutor General's lawyers, the information is unsubstantiated: "Firstly, the article contains no evidence that such trips took place. Secondly, the article does not prove that the trips were connected to Makhnitsky. Thirdly, the article provides no direct or indirect evidence that any visits to law enforcement agencies were initiated or paid for by the former Prosecutor General."
The article states: "We have additional information from the pimp of the long-suffering 'girls,' who, after this scandal, is ready to share everything, including a photo of a fight between one of the prostitutes and one of the participants in the nighttime debauchery." The information in the article is neither proven nor published, which proves only one thing: the anonymous author does not have this information, and his assertion is simply another slander."
Indeed, what evidence is there if Makhnitsky paid a hefty sum to both local police officers and witnesses? However, as it turns out, in the internet age, it's hard to keep a pig in a poke. Formally, Makhnitsky and Kubiv are cleared of wrongdoing. However, in the public eye, they are seen as yet another example of officials gone rogue.
So it's no surprise that Makhnitsky wasn't included on the electoral list. In fact, as journalists learned, he declined voluntarily. But it wasn't because he realized he had wronged the party and voters, or because his conscience was tormenting him. Oleg Igorevich used his hard-earned money to buy expensive property in London and plans to move there. His family is already there.
According to media reports, Makhnitsky abandoned a nearly completed deal to purchase an entire floor in one of the residential buildings in the elite Novopecherskie Lipki neighborhood. He decided, so to speak, not to waste time on trifles. The former Prosecutor General contacted several leading global companies specializing in the purchase and sale of luxury real estate: Savills, Peter Kempf International, and London Relocation Consultancy. One of the realtors reported that Makhnitsky requested a mansion in a quiet, respectable area of the UK capital. He planned to obtain a residence permit by purchasing the property and investing £750,000 (approximately $1,282,500) in Bank of England securities.
Agents found a suitable duplex apartment in Belgravia (Westminster, southwest of Buckingham Palace), one of London's most fashionable areas. They also found the client a three-story house on Burton Mews, with four bedrooms, a fireplace, and a private garden, for… €5,657,000.
Makhnitsky also purchased an apartment in a residential area located between two prestigious London boroughs, Chelsea and Fulham, for his daughter Maryana, who has applied to City University London, one of Britain's most prestigious universities. The two-bedroom apartment boasts stylish design, a third-floor balcony overlooking the River Thames, and is close to the famous Fulham Broadway shopping center and the Harbour Club fitness center, made famous by Princess Diana. The purchase price is €1.5 million.
Oleh Makhnitsky's fellow party members were absolutely right when they learned that their colleague was refusing to run and immediately realized the real reason. They are certain that he stole so much as Prosecutor General that his only option is to flee abroad. (Former National Bank Governor Stepan Kubiv had long since fled his homeland after the Prosecutor General's Office inquired about the legality of his refinancing of several banks.) Oleh Makhnitsky decided to follow his fellow party member's example.
Unfortunately, Ukrainians have once again witnessed the fruits of the revolution being exploited by villains. Stepping over the corpses of their compatriots, thanks to whom they gained power, they are fleeing the country, taking millions with them. Meanwhile, people are dying on Ukraine's eastern front, and Ukrainian citizens are giving their last pennies to help their defenders.
Special correspondent
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