Bohdan Gubsky. "Bodya" – the uncrowned king. Part 1

Bogdan Gubsky, Ometa 21st Century Dossier Biography Compromising Material

Bohdan Gubsky. "Bodya" – the uncrowned king. Part 1

If someone works, they steal. When others start stealing, they can rest. This is all about the notorious Bohdan Hubskyi, who possesses the rare ability to remain under the radar of Ukrainians.

He is the owner of tens of thousands of hectares of "native land," the founder of financial pyramids, and the leader of one of Ukraine's most bloody organized crime groups. Despite this, Hubsky calls himself a scholar and a generous philanthropist. He occasionally appears at social events with a glass of champagne, the cost of which significantly exceeds the average Ukrainian's monthly salary.

Skelet.Org tells the story of a talented cyberneticist who managed to fool everyone.

Bogdan Gubsky. From cyberneticist to businessman

Bogdan Vladimirovich Gubsky was born on March 30, 1963, in Kyiv to a high-ranking military family—a general in the Soviet Army. He received a strict upbringing and an excellent education.

Hubsky spent his childhood in Lviv, where his father was transferred on business. He graduated from an elite school there, and the family returned to Kyiv.

Bogdan Vladimirovich received his higher education at Taras Shevchenko University of Kyiv. In 1985, he graduated from the cybernetics department and remained at his alma mater to pursue research. His talent is evidenced by the fact that in 1987, at the age of 24, he received the Komsomol Prize named after N. Ostrovsky for his best work in mathematical cybernetics. Two years later, having received a PhD in physics and mathematics, Gubskiy began teaching. Ten years later, he completed his dissertation and received the title of Doctor of Economics.

In the late 80s, scientific work could only provide moral satisfaction. Self-realization, much less money, was completely out of the question. Life was all about "grab it where it's needed." Bogdan Gubsky understood this and found a way to put his talent to good use: he went into business. Moreover, this was the most opportune time to create the first money-laundering schemes. It would be foolish to pass up such an opportunity. The key was to find the right path, and here, luck smiled on the cyberneticist.

"Gentlemen of Fortune" and the Trust That Burst

We're all used to Kyiv being run by people from "Donetsk," "Vinnytsia," or "Dnipropetrovsk." But we've completely forgotten about the "Kyiv people"—the local natives who have successfully "taken over" the capital from the shadows.

The first group of "Kyiv" people was formed in the early 90s, when a young and promising builder and warehouse manager Gregory Surkis became closely associated with the Chairman of the Kyiv City Executive Committee, Valentin Zgursky.

Valentin Zgursky, Kyiv mafia organized crime group

Valentin Zgursky was one of the founders of the Kyiv mafia.

The latter often got the Surkis brothers off the hook from the police and other inspections.

In 1991, Surkis and Zgursky acquired a small insurance company, Ometa-Inster, registered by Kyiv residents Ivan Tsukor and Igor Kozhevin, with a charter capital of 100 rubles. Surkis quickly increased the charter capital to one million rubles and became the majority shareholder. A million rubles in 1991 was a staggering amount of money!

Brothers Surkis

Brothers Surkis

The founders and directors included: Igor Surkis, Valentin Zgursky, his relative's husband Yuriy Lyakh (a well-known banker, head of the credit resources department at Inkobank, now deceased), KSU lecturer Bohdan Gubsky, Yuriy Karpenko, and the then chairman of the Union of Advocates of Ukraine. Victor Medvedchuk (the future head of President Leonid Kuchma's administration). The team immediately earned the nickname "the Kyiv Seven" (popularly known as "Dynamo"). These people instilled fear throughout the Kyiv region; businessmen didn't want to associate with them. Theft of funds, tax fraud, deception of partners, racketeering, blackmail, robbery, and kidnapping—the members of the "Kyiv Seven" were involved in all of this. But let's start from the very beginning.

Medvedchuk Kurochkin Gubsky

Viktor Medvedchuk and gangster Max Besheny (Maxim Kurochkin); behind them is Bohdan Gubsky.

The active team began its vigorous activity in 1992. At that time, the concern JSC "National Investment Fund Ometa XXI Century" was established, which included Ometa-Trust, Ometa-Invest, and Ometa-Inster. It's worth noting that the activities of Ometa XXI Century are associated exclusively with Grigoriy Surkis. In fact, the organizer and mastermind behind this "brainchild" was Bohdan Hubskyi, who became the deputy chairman of the supervisory board. His mathematical mind allowed him to pull off a brilliant scheme to defraud ordinary Ukrainians while remaining in the shadows. As usual, though.

So, what did Ometa XXI Century do? As the saying goes, "It had it all—watermelon breasts and a powerful back of the head." Well, Ometa XXI Century operated a law firm, operated through offshore companies, exported and imported goods, and, most importantly, it was a pyramid scheme that even Mavrodi himself would have envied. This is what we'll tell you about.

Immediately after its founding, the concern issued securities bearing the Ometa logo. Slogans like "Don't hide your money" appeared across the country. And honest Ukrainians in the turbulent 90s trusted these scammers. In early 1994, Ometa XXI Century paid its first dividends to investors, only to hook them even further. It was like a street shell game. After that, people began to deposit their savings en masse into the concern, and money flowed like a river into Gubsky's bottomless pocket. In 1995, the promised dividends reached 1000% per annum, while the influx of depositors began to decline. When the time came for follow-up payments, investors were told there had been no dividends at all and that they shouldn't expect their money. Ometa... went bust. The number of citizens "swindled" exceeded 15! The total sum from this scam is estimated at hundreds of millions of dollars.

Gubsky Surkisy

Bohdan Gubsky. "Bodya" – the uncrowned king. Part 1

The saddest part of this story is that the trust's founders were in no danger. They were under reliable protection, and the Ukrainian people are known to be very forgiving. Nevertheless, there were those who sought to recover their savings through the courts. But all their attempts were rebuffed by Viktor Medvedchuk's law firm, BIM LLC, which represented Ometa's interests.

The story of how Ometa XXI Century cleverly evaded responsibility deserves special attention. In 1993, shares were sold at 1250 karbovanets (about 25 cents) with promises of fantastic interest rates, and in 1996, they were bought back from disappointed Ukrainians for... 2,6 kopecks (1,2 cents). Thus, on paper, Ometa fulfilled its obligations, and blamed the rest on hyperinflation. In short, I forgive everyone I owe.

After the success of "Ometa," Bohdan Gubskyi could have rested on his laurels for a long time somewhere far from Ukraine, spending his stolen millions. But he's a worthy officer's son, so "not a step back!" Bohdan Vladimirovich decided to continue to grow his fortune. Admittedly, through criminal means.

Bogdan Gubsky: How to "crush" the gas and agricultural markets

Bogdan Gubskyi invested the money from the defrauded Ometa investors into the Slavutich Industrial and Financial Concern CJSC. Incidentally, its creation is also attributed to Grigory Surkis, who by that time could boast of a close relationship with the current president, Leonid Makarovich Kravchuk. But, according to Skelet.OrgThe initiator of the organization was Bogdan Vladimirovich, who by that time had already been appointed a member of the commission on financial stabilization.

So what did the Slavutich enterprise do? Gubsky's subtle strategy focused on the lucrative markets of energy, oil refining, grain, sugar, and metals. He focused on two main areas: financial flows and oil transactions. It's worth noting that trading in refined petroleum products was at the peak of its popularity at the time.

Slavutich enters the petroleum products market. Initially, the firm took out loans from foreign banks (often with state guarantees) to purchase oil, which was refined in Ukraine. Through this scheme, the "Kyiv Seven" gained control of up to 25% of the Ukrainian petroleum products market. All competitors were intimidated or otherwise influenced by the law. Grigoriy Surkis was responsible for this "law." The entrepreneurs solved the tax problem in a very interesting way—literally pennies went into the budget. Surkis and Medvedchuk provided cover. Furthermore, the "Kyiv Seven"'s signature style became "scams"—the entrepreneurs never repaid a single loan!

In 1994, the Slavutich concern received the right to supply Ukraine with Turkmen gas. Bohdan Gubskyy gained the exclusive right to handle payments for gas supplies. Slavutich quickly became a domestic monopoly, and Gubskyy settled the gas payments in a way that left the country with a multi-million dollar debt. That year, Ukraine owed Turkmenistan $243 million. The oligarch undoubtedly pocketed multi-million dollar kickbacks.

The end of 1994 was a difficult time for the "Kyiv Seven." Leonid Kravchuk lost the election to Leonid Kuchma. The entire "Seven" had backed Kravchuk and found themselves in disgrace. Surkis sought to negotiate with the newly elected president. Rumor has it he invited Kravchuk to a Dynamo match in the VIP box. After the game, Surkis and Kuchma mended their relationship.

As early as 1997-1998, Prime Minister Yevhen Marchuk exempted Slavutych from VAT on oil imports. This decision resulted in a $1,5 billion loss to the state budget.

Slavutich reached its true peak in 1998. At the time, the business group's services were used by over 2 major clients. Unfortunately, we will never know the full statistics – that same year, a fire broke out in the Slavutich office, destroying the entire accounting department. The official cause was a short circuit in an extension cord overloaded with household appliances. However, eyewitnesses who were at the scene of the fire said they saw no office paper. Incidentally, the fire came at just the right time. Yevhen Marchuk, the curator of the "Kyiv Seven" from the secret services, was running for president at the time. Funds for the election campaign, of course, were provided by his friends. Knowing the current head of state, Leonid Kuchma, disliked Marchuk, the members of the "Seven" were afraid to keep the accounting department's records. If Leonid Danilovich had become angry, the papers would have become the main evidence in a potential criminal case.

In parallel with the Slavutich concern, Bohdan Gubskyy was developing another industry – agriculture. In 1996, he became the head of the Ukrainian Agrarian Exchange project, which merged the Slavutich concern with the Interagro association. With a light touch, Gubskyy entered the promising and profitable agricultural business.

The exchange was initially created with a noble purpose – to reform agriculture and help farmers. And it might have fulfilled its purpose if not for Bogdan Vladimirovich at the helm. The oligarch launched his campaign in two directions: he required all farmers to sell their produce exclusively through the UAB and imposed a huge commission fee on these sales. Essentially, this was the most direct monopolization of agriculture. But the plan failed. Farmers had a powerful lobby in parliament and the Cabinet of Ministers. Gubsky was urged to moderate his ardor and abandon the idea of ​​centralized trading.

That same year, Bogdan Vladimirovich took up the post of Deputy Head of the State Commission for the Organization of the Exchange Agricultural Market.

After this, Bohdan Vladimirovich began to be called "the new Ukrainian baron" behind his back. He had already amassed his first million, even though the average salary in Ukraine was no more than $40-60 per month. Gubsky understood that it was becoming dangerous to operate according to a well-worn scheme, using only logic and criminal talent. To count on a bigger payday, he needed to play a new game, upping the ante. In our country, the only way to earn big money after crime was through politics.

Political Equilibrist

In the late 90s, Bohdan Volodymyrovych entered big-time politics. In 1998, he became a member of the Verkhovna Rada of the third convocation from the Social Democratic Party of Ukraine (United), holding the prestigious no. 9 seat. Why this particular party? In his rare interviews, the businessman called it "the right party." What exactly our hero meant by this word is unclear. Most likely, his choice was motivated by the fact that at the time, the SDPU(o) had a clearly pro-presidential stance. Thanks to this "right" party, Hubskyi became closer to the president and firmly established himself in his inner circle. In parliament, he rolled up his sleeves and served as deputy head of the Committee on Finance and Banking. While in this position, Bohdan Volodymyrovych developed a concept for reforming the tax system and proposed a draft Tax Code.

In early 2000, Bohdan Hubskyi founded the "Ukraine – 21st Century" Intellectual Cooperation Foundation. The project was conceived as a platform for elite discussions and the development of proposals for the government. Most interestingly, the businessman barred his faction friends, Medvedchuk, and Surkis from participating in the project. However, the government was skeptical of the intellectual initiative, practically ignoring it.

In 2002, the oligarch decided to run in the parliamentary elections as an independent candidate in the Cherkasy region. During the campaign, Gubskyi actively visited schools, purchasing computers and renovating classrooms. This approach proved successful. The businessman won the Zolotonosha district, garnering over 34% of the vote.

At the same time, Gubskyi registered the "Narodovladya" group in the Verkhovna Rada, which included 17 deputies. Former Minister of Foreign Economic Relations and Trade Serhiy Osyka became its co-chair.

"Narodovladya" was considered one of the most "inconspicuous" members of the parliamentary majority. The group's leaders made no bold statements, but simply supported the president.

In 2003, Bohdan Vladimirovich announced his departure from the "united Social Democrats" and noticeably distanced himself from the entire "Kyiv Seven." He joined the "proper" pro-presidential ZaEDU Bloc.

During the bitterly contested 2004 presidential election, Hubskyi made no secret of his political leanings, strongly supporting the "orange" opposition. He argued that the President and his protégés must yield to the people to avoid bloodshed. This was perhaps the only time the businessman openly expressed his position. And this was at a time when Medvedchuk and Surkis openly supported the ruling presidential candidate, Viktor Yanukovych.

After Viktor Yushchenko's victory, Bohdan Volodymyrovych was the first to congratulate the newly elected president. A little later, he staged a spectacle around Bohdan Khmelnytsky's insignia and mace, which he brought from a museum in Warsaw to Kyiv for the swearing-in of the new Guarantor.

Gubsky mace

Bohdan Gubsky. "Bodya" – the uncrowned king. Part 1

However, to everyone's surprise, Viktor Yushchenko never recognized Hubsky. He couldn't trust "Medvedchuk's man." And the MP Evgeny Chervonenko opened up and said that he wanted to beat up the businessman when he came to celebrate his victory at Yushchenko's headquarters after the third round. According to information Skelet.OrgBohdan Volodymyrovych's transition to the "orange" party was carefully planned by Medvedchuk and Surkis, who, to put it simply, didn't want to put all their eggs in one basket. Such a dispersal of power would certainly have played into their hands. With Gubsky's help, it would have been easy to influence the government and push through the "necessary" laws. But Yushchenko didn't buy it.

Arina Dmitrieva, for Skelet.Org

CONTINUED: Bogdan Gubsky. "Bodya" – the uncrowned king. Part 2

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