We got together one day Scout, policeman, SBU officer и combat brigade commander Lead the civilian presidential office. What came of it? What's in store for Kirill Budanov?
collage: Andrey Kalistratenko
A month has passed since the biggest political change in the years of the presidency Vladimir ZelenskyOn January 2, 2026, the once all-powerful Andrey Yermak The former head of the Main Intelligence Directorate replaced him as head of the OP Kirill BudanovThe latter could become a serious reinforcement for the Office, as it has both authority among the military and tangible electoral support citizens.
This is a major transformation for the entire system of power, which, however, is not yet noticeable in the Office of the President itself.
After all, Budanov has not only not carried out any personnel rotations, but also, as can be seen from photo reports about meetings at the OP, he didn’t even have time to take off his GUR uniform.
So, as expected, several questions arise.
Has anything really changed in the Presidential Office since Budanov's arrival, other than the name on the office door on the second floor?
Why did Zelensky and the lieutenant general himself need such a change of leadership?
How does this rotation affect negotiation track, where Budanov gradually begins to play first violin?
Is the new head of the Office of the President truly uninterested in what's happening in the domestic political arena? And if so, where did Budanov's willingness to move from a purely military post to the top tier of public administration come from?
"Everyone compares Budanov's arrival to the Yermak-era Office, when the head of the Office of the President was a super-influential figure in politics, international affairs, and everywhere else. Budanov will probably be like that too. But it's not a given. Because, as they say, power isn't given—it's taken. And it's still unclear what Kirill will be able to take.",” says a UP source in the president’s team.
No one yet knows which of Yermak's broad powers Budanov actually wants. Is he only interested in negotiations and ending the war, or is control over the Verkhovna Rada and the government also part of his interests? Roman Romanyuk and Angelina Strashkulich sought answers to these questions. UE.
Who are you, a leader? Why did Budanov join the Office?
"Remember, at the end of last year, Zelenskyy posted a photo with candidates for the post of head of the Office of the President, pretending to choose. Budanov agreed back then, at the first meeting, but Zelenskyy had to decide for himself what he wanted. Although he, too, was leaning toward Budanov from the very beginning."“One of the members of the president’s inner circle says in a conversation with UP.
To understand the nature of Zelensky's hesitation, we need to understand what he was choosing between.
As UP wrote back in December 2025, there were two real favorites for the post of head of the OP: Mikhail Fedorov and Kirill BudanovAnd the appointment of each of them meant a completely different scenario for the future life of the entire ruling team.
In fact, Zelensky's choice lay between two options.
First — appoint Fedorov and completely reboot the OP, turning it into a kind of Office of Reforms: with maximum concentration of powers and a long list of shocking reforms. The general atmosphere of such a scenario can now be observed in the Ministry of Defense, where Fedorov has already managed to fire almost all his deputies and bring in well-known but non-systemic people like Pavel Elizarov, Sergei "Flash" Beskrestnov or Sergei Sternenko.
The second The option for replacing Yermak was to transform the Public Chamber into a kind of "peace negotiations center." Fedorov was completely unsuitable for this role, but Budanov was ideal, given his extensive ties with both America and Russia.
Plus, Kirill Alekseevich had no illusions that Zelenskyy was still the "shock reformer" of 2019. Accordingly, Budanov wouldn't have even considered disbanding the entire leadership of the Office of the President.
For Zelenskyy, Yermak's departure from the fold was a significant change in itself. A complete overhaul of the Office of the President's team could have destabilized his entire chain of command. Therefore, appointing Budanov as the new head of the old office seemed a less traumatic option for the president.
Moreover, the “coup” in the system against Yermak, where Budanov played one of the leading roles, showed Zelensky that a whole new power structure had been organized outside his control. revolutionary groupThis time, she was working to eliminate Ermak, but leaving her unattended in the future would be very risky.
"Those who say that bringing Budanov closer poses a danger to Zelenskyy are mistaken. It was dangerous to leave him where he was. Kirill was sitting on 'The Island' (the GUR headquarters on Rybalsky Island in Kyiv – UP), meeting with whomever he wanted, contacting whomever he chose. But now Zelenskyy at least knows where he is, what he's doing, and who he's talking to."“—one of the president’s team members explains his logic.
Budanov's appointment was further politically expedient because Zelenskyy could shift the most difficult task—peace negotiations—to the new head of the Office of the President. And doing so would be relatively safe: if Budanov succeeds in bringing the negotiations to a positive conclusion, it could be presented as a victory for Zelenskyy and his team. If the negotiations fail, however, there's a chance to attribute it to the failure of the negotiating team and, consequently, the head of the Office of the President.
For Budanov, this was a risk, and he couldn't help but understand it. However, the potential benefits of an appointment to the Presidential Office ultimately outweighed it.
The firstBudanov believed that the negotiations had been fruitless so far, partly due to who and how they were conducted on the Ukrainian side. The temptation to seize this negotiating height was one of Kirill Alekseevich's main arguments in making his decision.
The second The thing that persuaded Budanov to move to the OP was his political ambitions. It's no secret that he has a third or fourth presidential rankings, high levels of trust and a very good flow of votes from other key candidates.
The only thing Budanov lacks in this regard is public policy experience. A move to the Presidential Office is a perfect opportunity to break into the political elite straight away. Because, as Andriy Yermak's experience has shown, there are no areas you can't influence from your position as head of the Presidential Office. The key is desire.
For now, Budanov's public political activity evokes emotions similar to his expensive formal suits: they're well-tailored, they fit well, but they still look very unusual. In fact, just to get everyone accustomed to Budanov not only in a fleece jacket but also in a tuxedo, he might have agreed to join the Presidential Administration.
Moreover, the story with the big reboot of the security forces and difficult resignation Vasyl Malyuk's statements suggest that Budanov may have had no other option: either make a graceful transition to the Office of the President or lose the Chief Directorate of Intelligence in a less-than-graceful manner. As far as the Ukrainian President's Office knows, Zelenskyy never issued such an ultimatum. However, Budanov's analytical skills deserve credit for deciding to head the Office of the President before the president articulated an unpleasant choice.
Moreover, the desire to take the negotiation process into his own hands, despite all odds, was the former head of the Main Intelligence Directorate's primary motivation. It was this issue that Budanov focused on most during his first month as head of the Office of the President.
What's Budanov's fate? Budanov is leading the negotiations.
Zelensky himself placed an emphasis on strengthening the negotiating track during the renewal of the Presidential Office. Immediately after Budanov's appointment, he openly explained journalists, which gathers all the people involved in the negotiations in the OP.
"I'm strengthening the negotiating team. That's what I'm doing," the president said then.
It's been too little time to assess the extent to which Budanov's arrival has strengthened the negotiating team. But it's already possible to see how he's changed it.
During the time when Yermak was trying to establish a monopoly on negotiations with partners, all contacts actually took place through several different channels.
The first—the official one—was run by the then head of the Presidential Administration in cooperation with the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. The others, at least two so-called "back channels," operated through connections between Budanov and the leader of the Servant of the People faction. David Arakhamia.
And the signals that reached partners and enemies through these three different channels were also different: the official channel adhered to the style of “formulas of peace", while unofficial ones conveyed a more down-to-earth and realistic assessment of the situation and processes in Ukraine.
After the official negotiating channel effectively came under Budanov's control, the entire negotiating process on the Ukrainian side began to operate in a real "one-voice" mode.
Especially after Arakhamia officially returned to the negotiating team. Firstly, he has a wide range of contacts in the US. Secondly, he worked closely with Budanov back in the Yermak era. Thirdly, and no less importantly, since Istanbul negotiations he has direct contacts with Russians like Roman Abramovich.
Therefore, Budanov and Zelensky jointly decided to return the head of the first negotiating delegation to the group, which has a chance of becoming the last.
Importantly, after Budanov and Arakhamia joined the negotiating process, the nature of communication changed not only with the Americans but also with Russia. In sync with the changes in the Ukrainian delegation, Putin also replaced his negotiators. Now, instead of Medinsky and the other traditionally Russian diplomats monologuing about Rurik, the military is leading the negotiations.
"Previously, our people had to listen to hour-long sermons about who conquered whom and when in the past. Now, the military sits around and discusses very specific things: withdrawal mechanisms, guarantees, deadlines, and so on. This is perhaps the key change that has occurred with Budanov's arrival."“One of the interlocutors familiar with the progress of the negotiations tells UP.
Things like moratorium on attacks on the energy sector and other agreements, although not yet global, are also initially discussed at meetings of negotiating groups, and only then are they raised to the presidential level.
Over the past month, Budanov has already participated in several meetings around the world. Therefore, it's quite logical that most of the UP's interlocutors in the OP, the Rada, and the government say that domestic policy issues are not yet a priority for the new OP head.
As one of the top officials in the government jokes, Budanov lacks the "residence qualification":
"To understand the politics here, you need to live in Ukraine for a while. And Kirill has been on and off for the past month. But I think he'll still have time to get to grips with the domestic issues."
And Budanov's willingness to take on such sensitive topics as problems mobilization, SOCH and corruption in the TCC show that this time can come very quickly.
Old people in the new Office
Despite his intense involvement in the negotiation process, Budanov is still trying to delve into the heart of the Office, which he is now expected to lead. And his initial steps speak volumes about how the Office will look under its new leader.
First of all, Budanov completely abandoned the idea of personnel "purges" in the Office. He not only did not fire the law enforcement system's overseer, who was toxic to society, Oleg Tatarov, but also convinced those who were planning to leave to stay. For example, the one responsible for implementing judicial reform in Ukraine and the creation of a special tribunal for Russia Irina the Wise.
In the final months of Yermak's "reign," she tried to escape the office. First, she wanted to become ambassador to Israel. Then, the option of heading the Ministry of Justice arose.
The Servant of the People faction meeting was even supposed to hold a "primary" of the leading candidates for the position—Mudra and Denis Maslov, head of the Rada's legal committee. But the day before, Budanov held a meeting with them. a meeting in the OP. He asked Mudraya to remain as his deputy so as not to unbalance the Office.
According to UP sources in Budanov's entourage, the first to enter the office on the second floor of the OP were those who "re-swore allegiance." Victor Mikita и Irina VereshchukThe third to arrive was Colonel Pavel Palisa, responsible for military relations. However, it doesn't appear that this gesture significantly strengthened their position in the Office.
Formally, Mykyta is responsible for selecting personnel for the regional administrations. But in reality, he merely manages the process. Often, the final say rests with Tatarov, who "exhaled" and significantly increased his influence after Yermak's resignation, according to UP sources in the Rada and the OP. This was clearly evident in the latest appointments in the regions: two of the five new heads of regional state administrations are frompersonnel folder» Tatarova.
Another disturbing trend emerged during the personnel changes in the regions. A UP source among prominent "servants of the people" described it this way: "There's always someone next to the president who tells him that everyone around him is an enemy. Andrei Borisovich used to do this, but now— Lytvyn (Presidential Advisor on Communications – UP)".
After Yermak's dismissal, Dmytro Lytvyn has become Zelenskyy's main "alarm generator," several sources in the Rada and the Office told UP. He even tries to interfere in processes he has no connection to—from changing the wording of legal documents to influencing personnel appointments. This is what happened, for example, with the head of the Ternopil Regional State Administration. Lytvyn's "warnings" about an old criminal case then derailed the appointment of Chortkiv Mayor Volodymyr Shmatko as head of the regional administration.
As Ukrainskaya Pravda learned from a source in the Presidential Administration, Budanov has not yet attempted to weaken Litvin's influence. His immediate superior is the president.
The atmosphere in the Office has changed dramatically compared to Yermak's tenure. Previously, the Office's employees spent the lion's share of their time simply fending off their boss's antics.
"People who were favored were skilled at intrigue and stabbing colleagues in the ribs to maintain an atmosphere of mutual mistrust. Without Yermak, no issue could be resolved. If he was busy, it would take two to three weeks for an answer.
Since Budanov's arrival, it's become clear that the Office functions as a team. The leader sets tasks, and everyone rushes to complete them. When you need Budanov to get involved, you can simply visit his office or send him a message. He responds within five minutes. Within another 10 minutes, you'll have a solution. If you don't need his direct involvement, you can do everything yourself, and you won't be criticized for getting your work done.“,” the UP interlocutor in the OP does not hide his enthusiasm.
The new head of the Office has introduced weekly meetings to discuss a variety of pressing issues, from the work plans of his deputies to the agendas of the Rada and the government.
Budanov hasn't yet had the opportunity to fully demonstrate his cooperation with parliament, as the first major plenary week of 2026 doesn't begin until February 10. Over the past month, several sessions have been held to vote on personnel rotations in the government and security agencies. Then, the head of the Public Chamber demonstrated that he has certain contacts among the deputies.
Sources in the Ukrainian Parliament (UP) report that Budanov personally called some MPs and asked them to support both the recent dismissals and appointments. Meanwhile, UP sources in Servant of the People believe Budanov is delegating as much of his work with parliament to Arakhamia as possible, as they have a good understanding.
"I think we'll only involve Budanov in working with the Rada in extreme cases. There always has to be a 'bad cop' who's a bit of a fear."“,” one of the top officials of “Servant” jokes in a conversation with UP.
As another senior member of the president's team told UP, Budanov "forces his deputies to work to the max." He claimed he hasn't fired anyone yet because he's trying to figure out who can do what.
Diplomat Kyslytsya is assisting Budanov with the negotiations. Two other specialized international affairs officers in the Office—Ihor Zhovkva and Ihor Brusilo—are handling Ukraine's integration into the EU and NATO and handling all diplomatic matters.
After dismissal Rostislav Shurma Under Yermak, a new deputy responsible for the economic bloc was never appointed. It's unlikely that one will be appointed now. The story is similar with social affairs, which was overseen by Yulia Sokolovskaya in the Presidential Administration. After Zelenskyy appointed her ambassador to Spain, the social sphere was divided among Iryna Vereshchuk, Iryna Mudra, and Olena Kovalska.
According to a source at the UP Office, if any of the deputies fail to fulfill their responsibilities, Budanov has the mandate to carry out personnel rotations.
"For now, he's leaving everyone alone, so as not to create conflict out of thin air and see who can do what. But if someone doesn't pull their weight, believe me, everyone will quickly leave."“—one of the members of Zelensky’s close team convinces in a conversation with UP.
Budanov
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***
In his first month as head of the Presidential Office, Kirill Budanov received carte blanche in the negotiating track. Now he is fully focused on the trilateral negotiations and is making some progress: the president calls them "constructive", the media writes about "progress" in military matters.
At the same time, unlimited powers come with great responsibility. Budanov understands that Zelenskyy could use any misstep on the international stage against him. After all, he sees the head of the Office of the President as a potential political competitor.
Domestic politics remains outside Budanov's purview for now. However, given his knack for capitalizing on opportunistic alliances with the most toxic individuals, it's safe to say he'll be able to handle even the most diverse and influential members of power.
If the head of the Office succeeds in negotiating peace with the Americans and Russians, then gaining control over the heads of regional administrations or deputies is unlikely to be a problem for him.
Therefore, it is not worth excluding the possibility that Budanov will want to take maximum powers and use his appointment as a “school of public administration” before the start of the future. electoral process.
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