Dmytro Firtash: The Story of a Ternopil Billionaire
Meet Dmytro Vasilyevich Firtash. The man who has controlled Ukraine's entire gas business for over 15 years, and also Ukraine's most enigmatic billionaire. He is Yulia Tymoshenko's main enemy and a longtime friend of the world's number one crime boss, Semyon Mogilevich, who is wanted by the FBI. He is called the face of the Kremlin in Ukraine.
Dmitry Firtash's story is about how to take advantage of the opportunities that fate sends.
Dmitry Firtash. The Great Tomato Route
Dmytro Vasilievich Firtash was born in the village of Synkiv in the Ternopil region to a family of modest means. His father was a driver and taught at a local driving school, and his mother, a veterinarian and economist by training, worked as an accountant at a sugar factory. The family's main source of income was greenhouses where they grew tomatoes. The Firtashes sold them at the local market and sometimes managed to travel with their goods to the Baltics and Belarus. In one of his interviews (incidentally, Firtash rarely gives them), Dmytro Vasilievich said that he essentially had no childhood, as he spent all his time at the market selling tomatoes while his peers went to the seaside. During the tomato season, the family earned up to 5-6 rubles in income. At the time, that amount of money could have bought a Zhiguli. Through such labor, the Firtashes had accumulated around 80 rubles in their savings account by the late 40s—a staggering amount for a Soviet citizen. Incidentally, when Dmitry Vasilyevich asks his parents for money to develop his business in the future, they refuse, citing a lack of risk.
After high school, Dmytro Firtash graduated from the Krasnolimansk Railway Vocational School and later from the National Academy of Internal Affairs of Ukraine. He served in the army from 1984 to 1986. During his service, he was awarded the VDNKh bronze medal "For Achievements in the Development of the National Economy of the USSR" and the Order of the Badge of Honor. There's a slight discrepancy here: this medal was awarded for the best work presented at the All-Union Agricultural Exhibition or the Exhibition of Achievements of the National Economy of the USSR. Among those awarded were scientists, party leaders, and leading industrial workers. How the conscript soldier received it is unknown.
After his military service, Firtash returned to his home village and decided to start his own business – growing roses. But this required the use of various chemicals, and the future oligarch didn't want to risk his health. He also tried raising arctic foxes, but that didn't work out either. So he went to Chernivtsi and got a job as a driver in the fire department of the Chernivtsi Shoe Factory. He immediately fell under the lucrative protection of the city's fire chief, Yuriy Konstantinovich Guley, who knew Firtash's father and uncle. But his entrepreneurial spirit showed through – the newly minted driver began selling felt boots on the side. Apparently, he realized that honest work at a state-owned enterprise wouldn't bring in good money. He was sent to a pretrial detention center for theft, and they even considered opening a criminal case, but Guley managed to get him off the hook. Ultimately, Firtash was fired; his tenure at the factory was short – five months. However, Yuriy Guley didn't leave his protégé without support. He gave him a Lada and introduced him to the sugar and gasoline trade.
By this time, Dmitry Vasilyevich was already married to his classmate Lyudmila Grabovetskaya, and they had a daughter, Ivana.
The Milk Deal
Dmitry Firtash's family
Although the young entrepreneur was doing well, he decided to go into "big business," fortunately, he had a knack for it and established connections. These connections meant his acquaintance with Marina Kalinovskaya and her husband, Zinovy, and her brother, Petro Moskal. By this time, the couple was already fully engaged in entrepreneurship, or, as they called it at the time, speculation. The Kalinovskys sold canned goods and juices. At the helm was Zinovy Kalinovsky, a former shop worker at the Chernovetskyi consumer goods factory. In the late 1980s, he suffered a serious leg injury and retired, leaving Marina Kalinovskaya in charge. Dmytro Firtash immediately became part of the team. He was assigned small tasks—delivering and delivering goods, negotiating transfers, and sometimes simply serving as Marina's driver. Everything went smoothly until the Kalinovskys decided to create a company—KMIL—short for "Kalinovskaya Marina and Lyubov" (the latter being the name of Kalinovskaya's close friend, Lyubov Svinyako). After that, things took off, and Firtash miraculously became Marina's indispensable assistant. The company's first major deal was concluded in 1988. It was the delivery of a huge shipment (4000 tons) of powdered milk to Uzbekistan. Dmitry Vasilyevich earned around $50,000 on this deal. Many believe that after this, he left for Moscow to establish business connections. However, Firtash remained in Chernivtsi until mid-1992, driving a Lada 6 that had been given to him. The new partners lived happily ever after, simultaneously buying a small canning factory, opening a transportation company, and opening the "European" restaurant.
Dmitry Firtash. The Beginning of the Gas Business
Firtash only began traveling to Moscow in late 1992. Initially, the purpose of the visit was to sell food products abroad. In reality, Firtash was seeking new partners for larger deals. For this purpose, he stayed at the Moscow Hotel Rossiya, which was famous for its diverse clientele. Dmitry Vasilyevich would sit for hours in the hotel restaurant, fishing for potential partners. And the fish bit – he met a man from the Ministry of Trade of Turkmenistan. After the collapse of the Soviet Union, the country was catastrophically short of food, but had an abundance of gas, which Turkmenbashi didn't know what to do with. It was then, in 1993, that Firtash's brilliant "food for gas" scheme was born, marking the beginning of Ukraine's gas history. So, Dmitry Vasilyevich decided to supply Turkmenistan with food and receive gas in return. The first delivery, according to Skelet.Org, The company's capital was $1 million. However, everyone understands that entering the energy supply market is impossible without a reason. KMIL didn't have sufficient assets to trade gas on a national scale. Its connections certainly helped. And the first person worth mentioning is Vladimir Nikolaevich Galazdra. His role in the budding magnate's life was brief, but significant. It was thanks to him that KMIL secured its first gas contract.
Volodymyr Galazdra was a member of the board of the Poltava Mining and Processing Plant and was part of the Finance and Credit group, which was controlled by the BYuT oligarch Konstantin Zhevago (read more about Konstantin Zhevago in the article KONSTANTIN ZHEVAGO. THE RISES AND FALLS OF A DOLLAR BILLIONAIRE) and former Housing and Utilities Minister Oleksiy Kucherenko. But Vladimir Nikolayevich's other position was of greatest interest to the Firtash-Kalinovskaya tandem: he was also the director of a small enterprise called Bari. It would later become the foundation of the Finance and Credit empire, but in the 90s, it was a tiny part of the Intergaz empire. Igor BakaiThrough Galazdra, Dmitry Firtash met Bakai, the second most important person in the life of the future gas magnate. And the stars aligned: he had a quota for gas supplies to Ukraine, issued first. President of Ukraine Leonid KravchukThe scheme worked like this: Firtash supplied food to Turkmenistan, purchased gas there, and then resold the fuel to Bakai in Ukraine. It's worth noting that Bari is a joint Ukrainian-Swiss venture. By a strange coincidence, RosUkrEnergo would later be registered in the Swiss canton of Zug.
Meanwhile, in 1998, Bakai initiated the creation of the Naftogaz Ukrainy National Joint-Stock Company and became its first chairman of the board. Bakai's close friend, Alexander Volkov, then took over the management of the Bari company.
Now, businessmen have a clear path to the gas market through the barter scheme of "provisions for gas." By and large, Naftogaz Ukrainy never participated in the Ukraine-Turkmenistan gas scheme; everything was handled by small intermediary firms like Bari or KMIL. What followed was a very interesting fuel distribution: Naftogaz Ukrainy supplied gas to the "unprofitable" sector—budgetary organizations, regional gas companies, and state institutions—while small intermediaries supplied it to the profitable industrial sector. Thus, the state received crumbs from the supplies, while the intermediaries skimmed the cream, funneling billions into the pockets of Bakai and Firtash.
And so, in 2000, the Chernivtsi company KMIL, which had long traded in juices and canned goods, received a license "For the Right to Engage in Entrepreneurial Activity in the Supply of Natural Gas at an Unregulated Tariff." This was an unprecedented occurrence. But even more unprecedented was the fact that just six months later, KMIL received a cooperation offer from Itera, a major Russian gas trader, and its president, Igor Makarov.
Firtash's 5 gas companies
And it seems like there's nothing else to do, when the small firm KMIL holds all the cards, or rather, an offer from Itera and Igor Makarov himself. If you're Dmitry Firtash, and your colleague is Marina Kalinovskaya, you can.
Highrock Holdings. It turns out that Igor Makarov owned a controlling stake in Highrock Holdings. Firtash wanted to become one of the shareholders and, of course, received a stake. However, today both parties involved deny any involvement in the holding. The reason is simple: Highrock Holdings is the brainchild of Semyon Mogilevich, the world's number one crime boss, who is wanted by the FBI. The holding's development strategy and all the "Russia-Ukraine-Turkmenistan" gas schemes were determined by Igor Fisherman. Incidentally, during Pavlo Lazarenko's tenure as Prime Minister of Ukraine, this man was officially listed as his advisor. Another interesting detail: Highrock Holdings was founded by Olga Shnaider, the wife of Semyon Mogilevich, and its directors included Galina Telesh, the former wife of the mobster, and Dmitry Vasilyevich. When the FBI placed Mogilevich and Fisherman on the wanted list in 2002, Firtash inherited control of the entire structure. He then gradually ousted Itera and Igor Makarov from the gas market (coinciding with Vladimir Putin's rise to power). This was argued because Turkmenistan demanded not only food but also cash for gas, while Highrock Holdings operated solely under the established "food for gas" scheme.
Another company involved in the gas scheme, and playing a significant role in it, deserves mention: Highrock Properties Ltd. It is a subsidiary of Highrock Holdings. It was established by Semyon Mogilevich's personal lawyer, Zeev Averbukh-Gordon. Its representative office in Ukraine was headed by Dmytro Firtash. At this time, Naftogaz Ukrainy was overseen by Yuriy Boyko. He is considered a protégé of the Derkach clan (Leonid Derkach, Chairman of the Security Service of Ukraine, and his son, Andriy), one of the most influential clans, weakened after the "tape scandal," which had close ties to Mogilevich. Dmytro Vasilyevich and Yuriy Boyko became not only partners but also best friends.
Six months after registering Highrock Holding Ltd, Marina Kalinovskaya and Dmitry Firtash, without even informing their closest relatives, unexpectedly decided to formalize their relationship. Apparently, the marriage was a sham and was equally necessary for both partners. The business-like nature of the union was further emphasized by the fact that Vladimir Galazdra, director of Bari, and his wife, Svetlana, acted as witnesses for the newlyweds at the registry office.
Eural Trans Gas (ETG)A year later, both companies had outlived their usefulness. In 2002, Zeev Averbukh-Gordon registered Eural Trans Gas in the village of Chabdy, Hungary, with a registered capital of $12. This was done at the direction of Dmitry Firtash. The founders were three unemployed Romanians, who later "bought out" Averbukh-Gordon's shares. In 2004, Eural Trans Gas was headed by András Knopp, the former Hungarian Minister of Education. According to unconfirmed reports, he was a shareholder in Highrock Holdings. Before entering the gas business, András Knopp was the director of the tobacco company Reemtsma, controlled by Semyon Mogilevich. After its creation, Eural Trans Gas immediately received a contract from Gazprom to transport Central Asian gas. Since 2003, it has had the exclusive right to supply Turkmen gas to Ukraine. For its services, ETG received 38% of the gas, or approximately 13 billion cubic meters per year. Selling fuel domestically, the company captured 57% of the Ukrainian gas market.
RosUkrEnergo (RUE)This is the first offshore company of such scale since Ukraine's independence. It was established in 2004 with a charter capital of $35,000. It was registered in Switzerland as a joint venture between two financial institutions—the Gazprombank group and Centragas Holding, co-owned by Dmitry Firtash (90%) and Ivan Fursin (10%). The agreement to establish this company was concluded with the participation of then-Prime Minister of Ukraine Viktor Yanukovych, the Russian government, the management of Naftogaz of Ukraine, and Gazprom. According to information later provided Yulia Tymoshenko, it turns out that he himself was involved in the creation Yuriy BoykoAlthough there was no doubt about this, since Firtash and Boyko are longtime friends and colleagues, as well as protégés of Semyon Mogilevich in Ukraine. Thus, RosUkrEnergo's goal is to replace ETG as Gazprom's intermediary in transporting Turkmen gas through Russia. This is due to the fact that Firtash urgently had to conceal his connection to Mogilevich.
Yuriy Tymoshenko and Dmitry Firtash
For five years, the RosUkrEnergo scheme worked like clockwork. Yulia Tymoshenko was the first to speak out about corruption and smuggling schemes in gas supplies. She tried her best to push the company back, but to no avail. The war reached its peak in 2009. Then, Tymoshenko promised to exclude RUE from the gas scheme. She finally achieved this: the Russian gas monopoly switched to a supposedly direct relationship with Naftogaz Ukrainy (NAK Naftogaz Ukrainy). Tymoshenko negotiated this directly with Vladimir Putin. Why was Tymoshenko so opposed? It's simple: Yulia Vladimirovna wanted to bring Itera and Igor Makarov back into the arena, with whom she had the pleasure of working in the 1990s. But it didn't work out.
Having concluded bilateral gas agreements, Yulia Volodymyrivna and Naftogaz Ukrainy attempted to withdraw gas from RosUkrEnergo's underground gas storage facilities. This sparked another scandal. President Viktor Yushchenko and the Security Service of Ukraine opposed the move.
The conflict was resolved during negotiations between the company and Naftogaz of Ukraine in November 2010: RosUkrEnergo paid off all debts to Naftogaz and Gazprom, and Naftogaz, in turn, gave up the gas.
In February 2011, it became known that RUE would sell the gas it received from Naftogaz to Gazprom Export and then cease operations. Thus came the end of Dmytro Firtash's brilliant gas scam. But the question arises: how did such a unique scheme collapse, and who was behind it? Vladimir Putin. It was he who Firtash had allowed into Central Asia in 2005, creating RUE. And four years later, Vladimir Putin would destroy Firtash to gain direct access to Ukraine. Yulia Tymoshenko assisted him in this game.
However, it's worth noting that RosUkrEnergo had a patron all these years, a patron few talked about. That patron was Viktor Yushchenko. If Yushchenko hadn't approved RosUkrEnergo's presence as an intermediary and then a monopoly supplier of gas to Ukraine, thus "burying" the gas contracts that fixed the price at $50 per 1 cubic meters from 2002 to 2011, Naftogaz would have paid only $25,725 billion for imported gas, not $64,335 billion. Why did Yushchenko so lobby for Dmitry Vasilyevich's company? There's one theory. In 2006, MPs Ihor Shurma and Oleksandr Holub published copies of payment orders for RUE funds transferred to two entities in the UAE and the US: $53 million went to a company called Petrogaz, and $12,3 million went to Refin Commercial Company. According to the deputies, Petro Yushchenko, Viktor Andreevich’s brother, is connected to both companies.
Ostchem Gas Trading. Some thought Firtash would never recover from the blow. However, the specter of RUE loomed in 2012. The oligarch registered Ostchem Gas Trading in Switzerland. Dmitry Vasilyevich claimed that this company was created within Group DF and would supply gas to meet the group's chemical enterprises' own needs. However, everyone understood the real purpose of Ostchem. Firtash alone controls the Ukrainian gas market, and he will not surrender this lucrative position to anyone.
Dmitry Firtash. The Rise of an Empire
Dmytro Firtash: The Story of a Ternopil Billionaire
During the heyday of the gas scheme, Firtash was actively expanding his empire. He decided to invest in the profitable chemical industry, acquiring major stakes in companies. His first "swallows" acquired in 2002 were Tajik Azot (Tajikistan) and Nitrofert (Estonia). A year later, the gas magnate became a shareholder in Rivne Azot OJSC, a major nitrogen fertilizer producer in Western Ukraine. Firtash invested several million in its modernization and acquired a huge plant, Ukraine's leading mineral fertilizer producer.
In 2004, Dmitry Vasilyevich became the main investor in the Crimean Soda Plant (Krasnoperekopsk) and Crimean TITAN (Armyansk). That same year, all of Mr. Firtash's chemical assets were consolidated into the OSTCHEM holding company. Three years later, they would be transferred to Group DF (GDF — Group of Dmitry Firtash), which would manage the entire empire.
Dmytro Vasilyevich's business flourished during Viktor Yanukovych's presidency. Behind the scenes, rumor has it that the future oligarch met Viktor Yanukovych in the 90s, when he supplied scarce petroleum products to the Ordzhonikidzeugol motor depot, where Yanukovych was then the general director.
In 2010, Firtash began consolidating all Ukrainian nitrogen companies to bring them to the global stage. He acquired Concern Stirol (Horlivka), Severodonetsk Azot Association, and Cherkasy Azot, investing approximately UAH 1 billion. The idea was quite good, but in reality, we have a monopoly owner who independently controls state-owned plants. However, it's worth noting that within a year, the companies had displaced foreign fertilizer suppliers from Ukraine. Also in 2010, Group DF launched the Mezhdurechensk Mining and Processing Plant.
Firtash goes further, acquiring shares (from 2% to 30%) in several regional gas companies in 10 regions of Ukraine. This gives him control over a third of Ukraine's energy market.
Of course, it's simply impossible to buy such factories and regional gas companies without the support of the current government. Firtash had his own people at the trough: Yuriy Boyko headed the Ministry of Energy and Coal Industry, and Serhiy Levochkin headed the presidential administration. Valery Khoroshkovsky took the SBU chair, and managers of Firtash's companies took the helm of key subsidiaries of Naftogaz Ukrayiny (Yuriy Borisov headed Ukrgazodobycha, and Sergey Vinokurov headed Ukrtransgaz).
A year later, Firtash realized that to expand his empire, he needed a bank that would service all his enterprises. To this end, he acquired a controlling stake in Nadra Bank. Incidentally, Dmytro Vasilyevich had been interested in this bank in 2008, but after the height of the crisis, he no longer needed it. In 2011, Centragas Holding AG and Nadra Bank signed a purchase and sale agreement, resulting in D. Firtash's stake in the bank's authorized capital becoming 89,97%. The share transaction amounted to UAH 3,5 billion (UAH 10 per share).
In 2011, Dmytro Vasyliovych, one of the largest employers in Ukraine, was elected Chairman of the Council of the Federation of Employers of Ukraine, whose members included 10 enterprises, employing over 5 million people, producing 70% of Ukraine's GDP.
Like many other oligarchs, Dmitry Vasilievich couldn't resist the temptation to acquire his own media assets. In February 2013, GDF MEDIA LIMITED, part of the Group DF holding company (Dmitry Firtash Group), acquired UA Inter Media Group Limited, which encompasses the television channels Inter, Inter+, K1, K2, Mega, NTN, Pixel, Enter-Film, and Zoom10. And in 2014, Group DF signed an agreement with the Italian group Intesa Sanpaolo to acquire 100% of the shares of the Ukrainian Pravex Bank.
Firtash's empire flourished. Naturally, this affected the oligarch's income, which grew at an astronomical rate. In 2010, the businessman entered the "Top 100" most influential people in Ukraine, as annually compiled by Korrespondent magazine, ranking 8th. In 2011, Firtash ranked 7th in the "Golden Hundred" ranking of the richest Ukrainians, with a net worth of $2,25 billion. In 2012, he ranked 5th, with a net worth of $3,2 billion. In 2013, Firtash ranked 4th in the Focus "200 Richest People of Ukraine" ranking, with a net worth of $3,327 billion.
Dmitry Firtash: Scandals, Assassination Attempts, and Criminal Cases
Smuggling. Firtash's first serious run-ins with the law arose in 1995, at the dawn of his entrepreneurial career. The future oligarch was suspected of smuggling a large shipment of alcohol. Law enforcement agencies placed Firtash under surveillance to expose him. He went into hiding, but his efforts were in vain—he was arrested in the summer of 1995. Marina Kalinovskaya immediately rushed to rescue her partner, but to no avail: the case was simultaneously under the control of the police, the prosecutor's office, and the SBU. A stroke of luck helped get Dmitry Vasilyevich out of pretrial detention. Through mutual acquaintances, Firtash's friends gathered a police officer, an investigator, and an SBU official around the same table. Three months after the drinking binge, the future billionaire was released. Incidentally, the most categorical and principled representative of the Ministry of Internal Affairs on this matter was Ivan Mykolaevich Mirny, head of the regional Organized Crime Control Department. He initially refused to release Dmitry Firtash, but later agreed. Soon he became the head of personal security for the co-owner of RosUkrEnergo.
Shooting in "European". The "European" restaurant was one of the crown jewels of Firtash's early business. A tragic incident occurred at this establishment in 1996, nearly claiming the life of Dmitry Vasilyevich. Zinovy Kalinovsky's birthday was celebrated at the "European." The cream of society, including the criminal underworld, was invited. There were songs, dances, and plenty of alcohol... Later in the morning, crime boss Oleg Matiego refused to pay the bill and started a brawl, threatening the staff with a gun. Petro Kalinovsky and Dmitry Firtash arrived to calm the guest. An altercation ensued between the aggressor and Firtash, and the final argument resulted in a shot to the groin. Dmitry Vasilyevich was saved by his friend from Moscow, Oleg Palchikov. He covered the entry wound with his hands, stopping the bleeding. Firtash was hospitalized. Oleg Palchikov would later be appointed executive director of RosUkrEnergo.
The stepson's case. In 2007, Dmitry Firtash's stepson, Sergey Kalinovsky, accelerated his BMW M6 sports car to 160 km/h, lost control, veered off the curb, hit two trees, and crashed into a parked Zhiguli.
The driver of the Lada, Vladimir Kulikovsky, an internal troops warrant officer who was waiting to start his shift (he was guarding one of the embassies), died at the scene, as did a passenger in the foreign car, Kalinovsky's girlfriend, Anastasia Bronnikova. The security guards riding behind him made no attempt to save her. They only took Sergei Kalinovsky to the hospital, while Anastasia was taken by ambulance. The investigation was bizarre: Larisa Kulikovskaya, the deceased warrant officer's wife, dropped her lawsuit; investigators were prevented from entering Kalinovsky's room by security guards who cordoned off the entire floor; someone removed the on-board computer from the rich man's car, which was parked in a guarded parking lot, and cut the brake lines to prevent forensic analysis from determining the car's actual speed. Kalinovsky was subsequently taken into custody but immediately released. A couple of days later, he was detained at Zhulyany Airport. He intended to fly to Israel. Kalinovsky ended up in the hospital and then disappeared. He is currently on the international wanted list. However, many sources say he lives in Kyiv with his wife and child under a different surname.
Divorce from Kalinovskaya. The "love affair" between the partners lasted seven years. In 2008, a high-profile divorce took place, accompanied by scandal over Ms. Kalinovskaya's attempts to split her husband's vast wealth equally. To avoid financial losses, the billionaire even had to temporarily entrust his assets to his friend, Minister Yuriy Boyko, during the legal battle.
Confrontation with Kurchenko. In 2012, a dark streak began in the life of Dmitry Vasilyevich, or more precisely, his brainchild, Group DF. The Russian transnational oil company TNK-BP put the Lisichansk oil refinery up for sale. Another bidder emerged – a little-known Kharkiv businessman, Serhiy Kurchenko. While Firtash was vying for the right to purchase it, TNK-BP acquired Rosneft and the Lisichansk refinery. The auction was canceled, and millions of dollars slipped out of the oligarch's hands. The story didn't end there. In the second round, the oligarchs clashed over control of the purchase and sale of liquefied natural gas sold by Ukrgazvydobuvannya, a company overseen by Firtash. The deal was valued at 5 billion hryvnias. The Ternopil billionaire hoped to gain complete control over this financial stream. In this gas war, he even blocked a special auction for the sale of liquefied natural gas. The result of the standoff was Dmytro Vasilyevich losing his monopoly control over Ukrgazvydobuvannya, with Kurchenko receiving the dividends.
Greenhouse for 30 million euros. In 2012, Dmytro Firtash opened a massive, modern 10-hectare greenhouse in his home village of Sinkov. He invested €30-35 million in the DF Agro project. The greenhouses will cover a total of 40 hectares, representing a total investment of $100 million.
Bribery and creation of a criminal community. These two crimes were the charges against Dmytro Firtash in Europe. On March 12, 2014, he was detained by Austrian law enforcement in Vienna at the request of the FBI. The Austrian Federal Police reported that Firtash had been wanted since 2006. That same year, he was released on a record-breaking bail of €125 million for Austria and an undertaking not to leave Austria. However, in 2015, Firtash announced that he would come to Ukraine. The purpose of the visit was to participate in the congress of the Federation of Employers, which he heads. But at the last minute, Dmytro Vasilyevich canceled the trip. This is quite logical, since Arsen Avakov (Read more about it in the article Arsen Avakov: The criminal past of the Minister of Internal Affairs) said he would make every effort to arrest Firtash in Ukraine. Apparently, the oligarch decided not to take any chances.
Frauds at Nadra Bank. In 2015, the bank was declared insolvent, and Firtash was accused of spending UAH 7,1 billion allocated by the NBU for refinancing on foreign currency purchases.
"Sports weaknesses." Dmitry Vasilievich owns the Kyiv basketball club, which has sunk to the status of a clear outsider in the Ukrainian Super League.
In 2013, the oligarch-controlled Nadra Bank became the general sponsor of the Dynamo football club, displacing Igor Kolomoisky's PrivatBank. There was talk that Firtash had become the full owner of the football giant, but Dynamo President Igor Surkis (Read more about it in the article Grigory Surkis: How to divide Ukraine in a brotherly manner) refuted these speculations.
Dmitry Vasilyevich was a sponsor of the Tavria football club from Simferopol. The club even enjoyed one breakthrough – in the 2009/2010 season, the team sensationally won the Ukrainian Cup. Unfortunately, this brought the players only moral satisfaction. They never received the promised prize money from their sponsors. After the annexation of Crimea, Firtash stopped sponsoring the team.
Helicopter and villa for the wife. Today, Firtash is married again. His wife, Lada, is not only his wife but also his business partner, specifically, she is the co-founder of the family charitable foundation, the Firtash Foundation.
It's known that for his 41st birthday, Dmitry Vasilyevich presented his wife with an Agusta helicopter worth €6 million. The gala dinner in honor of his birthday was held in Monaco at the La Marie restaurant and cost the loving husband approximately €300. Firtash also gave his beloved another gift: a luxurious villa in Saint-Jean-Cap-Ferrat, a French resort town. The businessman purchased it in 2005 for €24 million and spent €11 million on restoration.
Arina Dmitrieva, for Skelet.Org
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