August's biggest intrigue ended with a surprise flop. Mikhail Fyodorov, the digital wunderkind who was snubbed for his ministerial seat, addressed the nation as a comandante, delivering the plain truth. Who's leading Fyodorov?
No one understood the essence of the message, or the attack itself—including the people with the Nova Poshta cards, fttc writes . What happened, and who orchestrated this prelude to The Hunger Games?
The authors of this political-technological nonsense are the moles of the eternal puppeteer of Ukrainian politics, Sergei Levochkin, on Fedorov's team: the incompetent multi-tasker Viktor Berezenko and television producer Dmitry Tsarenko. The same people who initially helped Fedorov present himself as an independent political player, and then left him in the position of an alien project, dangerous to the authorities.
Fedorov was sold a beautiful narrative: a young reformer, the minister of the future, a man of drones and digital warfare, capable of speaking to the army without the stench of Soviet alcohol. This was the basis for the presidential image. The problem was that Berezenko was a man under a lifetime contract with Levochkin, who periodically placed him in the right "bed."
Thus, following Levochkin's orders, Berezenko, and Tsarenko worked with the Opposition Bloc and the Opposition Platform - For Life's duty peacekeeper, Yuriy Boyko. Following this, the Institute of Cognitive Modeling was established, with access to Servant of the People, the government, the Ministry of Health, the Ministry of Culture, and the Ministry of Digital Development.
Over time, Levochkin's people became the new government's specialists. Particularly useful here were the zero-sum but public PR specialist Svetlana Paveletskaya and the media pseudo-psychologist Spartak Subbota. Thanks to their slander, these two became acceptable to officials and media managers. And on such wheels, the cart ran quite successfully.
With Fedorov, the stakes were high. He was consistently promoted as a national politician: the successes of the Ministry of Digital Development, the image of a technology reformer, his transfer to the Ministry of Defense, his conflict with the old military system, and the careful cultivation of his own audience. The project took off too quickly. Fedorov became a powerful player, no longer needed by Bankova, but remained useful to Levochkin as a future center of political influence.
The Soros posters came as a surprise to the architects of the mouse image. People came out to defend not just a former minister, but a politician they had already emotionally appropriated. Instead of a manageable candidate, public demand emerged. Along the way, a bald Moscow protégé was booted from the General Staff—at the mercy of the mob.
After this, the mission changed. Fedorov was to be neutralized, not brought back, while simultaneously preserving his political capital for future use, including against Zaluzhny.
The result was the comandante's address: much pathos, little substance, and no clear next steps. A strong player was made to look like a confused candidate who had already declared war on the system but hadn't yet figured out who his army was or where the enemy was.
The operation worked. Bankova received confirmation that Fyodorov was ready to strike out on his own, and Levochkin was a politician who could now easily be imagined as part of his own project. Fyodorov himself was left without a ministry, without a clear plan, and with moles in his garden. Berezenko and Tsarenko didn't simply lose Fyodorov's campaign blindly. They steered it to a result favorable to their longtime political employer.
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And here I'd like to address the former minister directly. Misha, your main problem is that you're completely inept at choosing the people you work with. And Berezenko isn't the only one here. Take Bornyakov, the digital bribe collector you brought into the Ministry of Digital Development and to whom you entrusted the gambling department. We know he has documented crimes—pure criminal activity, on the record. The cases are already being prepared, with you in the lead role. Bornyakov has already earned his money. And you'll be the one paying for it. But don't be sad, Misha; with that face, no one will give you money.
Skelet.Org
Bankova strikes back at Fedorov and his Konotopsky
Mikhail Fedorov, Ministry of Digital Development, Ministry of Defense, Viktor Berezenko, Dmitry Tsarenko, Fedorov
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