The head of the regional branch, Lev Partskhaladze, is building a business structure around individuals with a clear "regional" past who are trying at all costs to get into the Supreme Council under the new banner.
The lion's share of Partskhaladze's political business
Any businessman, especially one handling millions, knows where, when, and how to make money. And in our time, when the country is reeling from war, casualties, and economic problems, when businesses are barely surviving, anyone with even a passing connection to politics is lucky. You just need to seize the moment, align yourself with the leading political force, and there you have it—the rewards earned over years of political upheaval and setbacks.
We're often surprised by the fact that the same people are still going into politics. We wonder how they get there. We blame the President, claiming it's all happening at his instigation.
This obsessive déjà vu should be understood using specific examples.
The President, heeding public demands and recognizing the futility of the current Verkhovna Rada, is announcing elections to the highest body of power. The goal is to bring in new people with a fighting spirit, ready to fight for Ukraine in the legislative arena. It would be shameful, in the eyes of the people who defend their country's honor with the blood of thousands of patriots, to come to the polls with old ballast. This is the main tactical line of the Petro Poroshenko Bloc political party.
But what's really going on? Let's look at the example of the Kyiv region branch, headed by Lev Revazovich Partskhaladze, a man far from poor, a successful businessman by trade, but a politician by nature. True, Lev Revazovich didn't tarnish his biography with membership in the Party of Regions, but he did serve in UDAR and Strong Ukraine (we all know how that ended). True, Lev Revazovich wasn't a member of parliament either—it didn't work out—but he did serve on the Kyiv City Council. Isn't he a new face? Successful, intelligent, and unblemished! Isn't he a future member of parliament?
There's just one "but" that's come to light. It's surfaced while the President, seeking a way out of his deep Ukrainian nosedive and relying on the integrity of his entourage, is traveling from country to country. Someone, Lev Partskhaladze, the head of the regional branch, is building a business structure around individuals with a clear "regional" background, who are trying at all costs to worm their way into the Supreme Council under the new banner.
This is how the panorama of preparations for the elections in the 95th and 96th electoral districts is unfolding, where two citizens and very serious competitors, Anatoliy Fedoryuk and Yaroslav Moskalenko, are breaking through under the Verkhovna Rada's dome using proven technologies.
From the perspective of the average person, the diagram is quite confusing, but understanding it with analysis and logic isn't difficult. That's what we'll try to do.
The offensive is underway on three fronts: the nomination of candidates for people's deputies, a candidate from the presidential political force for the early local elections (Irpen), and the submission of candidates to the District Electoral Commission.
At the moment, there's a suspicious silence on all the aforementioned fronts. And for good reason. Lev Revazovich, driven by his favorites, is pondering which weaker and less talented candidates to nominate for the Petro Poroshenko Bloc in the 95th and 96th constituencies, so as not to inadvertently damage the ratings of Fedoruk and Moskalenko. In political circles, this is called "dumping a constituency." One can only imagine the outrage of voters who backed Petro Poroshenko for president back in May, only to see the political force bearing his name present them with a gift of weak and completely failed candidates!
An aggravating circumstance is the fact that Mr. Fedoruk still hasn't fully decided which constituency he'll run in. If he chooses the 95th, he needs a trusted friend, as he's unpopular outside of Bucha and nearby towns. Volodymyr Karplyuk, whom his godfather and business partner, Anatoliy Fedoruk, has been eyeing for the Irpin mayoral seat for years, will help him build his electorate. It's safe to say Volodymyr is the only hope. Is this why Lev Revazovich, despite the election campaign in Irpin already kicking off on September 2, can't decide on a candidate from the Petro Poroshenko Bloc party? Perhaps he's planning to back a known weakling here too, to pave the way for a new face, Volodymyr Karplyuk?
The story surrounding the nominees to the District Electoral Commission is no less banal. A qualified representative on the DEC guarantees a favorable outcome for the election and the Party's interests will be adequately protected during the electoral process. But if the goal is the opposite, then extras will do. In this regard, it seems surprising that specialists involved in Petro Poroshenko's presidential campaign, authorized to represent his interests and achieving some of the best results in the Kyiv region, were accidentally omitted from the presentation, as Mr. Partskhaladze claims.
So what kind of games are being played by Lev Revazovich, whose regional past is spotless? What is his lion's share in the fateful decisions that could result in the emergence of Party of Regions protégés in the new Supreme Council? And how will Pyotr Alekseevich react to Lev Revazovich's dubious scenario? It's unlikely this performance will end with applause.
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