Kislinsky, Lubkivsky, Frolov...

Yanyk LubkivskyValentin Nalyvaichenko has a talent for finding truly rotten characters. During his first term at the SBU, he picked up a con man named Kislinsky. The guy graduated from some mining college, forged a diploma from Kyiv University, and became the deputy head of the SBU. After such a shameful incident, the "office" should have been disbanded, but somehow they survived. To be fair, it's worth noting that Kislinsky's appointment was lobbied for by another crook – Chervonenko and the "weak-willed" Yushchenko. But this naturally doesn't diminish Nalyvaichenko's responsibility for this appointment.

Now, a new scandal has emerged. Former SBU spokesman Markian Lubkivskyi could very well be jailed for fraudulent practices during the Eurobasket 2015 tournament. Almost 20 million hryvnias were stolen as a result of these scams. What a surprise! As if no one knew Lubkivskyi was a seasoned con man with a family history. Incidentally, the criminal case was opened on June 18, 2015. On the same day, Markian Lubkivskyi resigned, and the Verkhovna Rada dismissed Nalyvaichenko. It's possible that the Lubkivskyi scandal was one of the reasons for Nalyvaichenko's resignation. The question arises: whose bright idea was it to hire this dandy, who served the Party of Regions so well and has no connection whatsoever to the SBU, to the SBU? Why couldn't Nalyvaichenko's press secretary fulfill his role as "riverman"? Someone clearly "asked" for it. And this idiotic word will continue to destroy Ukrainian politics for a long time to come.

 

Incidentally, after Nalyvaichenko and Lubkivsky left and Gritsak took over, the window-dressing in the "service" has diminished. There are no longer the idiotic daily reports on the capture of separatists and terrorists that Lubkivsky used to amuse himself with. And under the guise of Lubkivsky's triumphant reports, Yura "Armani" Artyukhov was simply stealing and engaging in all sorts of nasty behavior. Fortunately, such behavior is no longer present in the "service." But there is something else. A man named Frolov. A con man just like Lubkivsky, but with a focus on wiretapping. It's long been known that Frolov wiretaps all Ukrainian politicians without any sanctions. As is his work compiling "sound patterns" and so on. As is the commercial use of illegal wiretapping materials. And somehow everyone has become accustomed to it and almost considers it normal. Neither Poroshenko nor Gritsak seem to realize they're sitting on a Frolov bomb. It doesn't even seem to occur to them that if Frolov is "listening in" to high-ranking politicians and journalists, then he's also "listening in" to their interlocutors, including foreign ambassadors, embassy staff, and so on. And given Frolov's blatant negligence—even the ORD officers know which of them he's been listening to—sooner or later, these materials will leak and cause a massive international scandal. Recall the old incident when Oleksandr Moroz was being listened to, and his interlocutor, the British Ambassador, was also recorded. The Ambassador was quite outraged to discover he was being "listened in." Something similar will happen thanks to Frolov, and, according to our information, very soon.

Kislinsky, Lubkivsky, Frolov... If they've started "cleaning up" the SBU, they need to clean it up completely. Personnel blunders are too dangerous here.

 

Sergey Nikonov, for ORD

General Staff reference:

Kislinsky Andrey Nikolaevich

 

Born April 4, 1975, in Krasny Luch, Luhansk Oblast. In 1994, he graduated from the Krasny Luch Mining College (specializing in "Operation and Repair of Mining Electromechanical and Automatic Equipment"). According to his autobiography, in 2000, he graduated from the History Department of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv (teacher of history).

1993-1994 - manager of the Krasnoluch company "Coral".
1994-1995 - Deputy Director of the Coral Advertising agency.
1995-1998 - Manager of JSC Industrial and Financial Group Coral.
1998-2000 – Assistant-consultant of the Secretariat of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine.
From February to August 2001 – Director of Political Public Relations at Prime-Time PR Company.
From September 2001 to January 2005 – Chairman of the Board of Directors of Public Relations and Publicity Agency LLC.
In February-March 2005, he was the project coordinator for the information department of the International Charitable Foundation “Ukraine 3000”, created in 2001 with the participation of Viktor and Kateryna Yushchenko.
From April to November 2005, he was a full-time assistant to the President of Ukraine Viktor Yushchenko.
From November 2005 to November 2006 – Head of the Office of the President of Ukraine.
In February-September 2007 – Advisor to the President of Ukraine.
From September 2007 to June 2009 – Deputy Head of the Secretariat of the President of Ukraine.
From June to October 2009 – Deputy Head of the Security Service of Ukraine.
On October 13, 2009, by Decree of the President, he was dismissed from the post of Deputy Head of the SBU[1]
Family and connections
He is married to Nastya Rzhavskaya, the younger sister of the former deputy and notorious millionaire Alexander Rzhavsky[2]

 

Yevhen Chervonenko, whom he met purely by chance, recommended him for Viktor Yushchenko's team. Yevhen Alfredovich headed the State Reserve Committee from 2000 to 2001. During this period, the SDPU(o) party brought various harsh accusations against him, and Kislinsky proposed an information security plan to Chervonenko. He liked it, and a collaboration began, developing a friendship. Yevhen Chervonenko then introduced Kislinsky to Roman Bezsmertny. During the 2002 parliamentary election campaign, he also met Oleh Rybachuk, who had returned from Greece, where he had worked as vice president of a bank. When Viktor Yushchenko invited him to head the presidential candidate's office, he became Rybachuk's deputy. It was at his suggestion that the structure of the future campaign headquarters of presidential candidate Viktor Yushchenko was developed.

Mr. Kislinsky’s career growth thus follows a chain: Rzhavsky (1993) – Chervonenko (2000) – Bezsmertny (2001) – Rybachuk (2002) – Yushchenko (2004). But the foundation, nevertheless, was and remains Rzhavsky[2]
In July 2009, NU-NS MP Gennady Moskal stated that Kislinsky was involved in pimping in the Luhansk region in the 1990s.
…back in the early 90s, he worked as a pimp on the Lugansk highway—

Anthracite at the Bokovo-Platovo campsite – Gennady Moskal[3]

In this regard, the deputy head of the SBU appealed to the court, and his agency appealed to the Prosecutor General's Office, requesting an investigation into the illegal actions of Ukrainian law enforcement officers who allegedly illegally collected information about the personal life of the deputy head of the SBU. However, Moskal soon found a new stain on Kislinsky's biography. In response to the politician's parliamentary appeal of August 27, 2009, the Presidential Secretariat provided a copy of Kislinsky's diploma from his personal file, certifying his qualifications as a "historian" and "teacher of historical disciplines" in his specialty "History." The diploma is dated June 30, 2000. Moskal also contacted the archives of the Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. Taras Shevchenko, where, based on an inspection of the rector's orders for the graduation of students from the history department, it was reported that Kislinsky did not study in the full-time department from 1995 to 2000 and in the correspondence department from 1994 to 2000, and the diploma number and series that the parliamentarian was given in the Accounts Chamber are not listed in the registration books for the issuance of diplomas.

Moskal sent a corresponding parliamentary appeal to Prime Minister Yulia Tymoshenko, who created a working group within the Ministry of Education and Science to verify the existence of Kislinsky's diploma. On October 12, the Minister of Education and Science of Ukraine, Ivan Vakarchuk, reported that the Center for the Production of Documents on Higher Education had not registered Kislinsky's diploma, and at the university itself, in the Faculty of History, Kislinsky was not listed for admission in 1994, nor was his name on the list of graduates in 2000. The culprit of the scandal himself denies all the accusations and accused Vakarchuk of bias.[1][4]

Operational reports
Andrey Kislinsky and Alexander Rzhavsky began working for the new head of the USDP, Natalia Korolevskaya, in December 2011.[5]

 

ORD Help:

 

The Lubkivsky family
Among those “hands that never stole” and on which Yushchenko’s rotten throne rests, are the trembling limbs of the famous Lviv poet of the “dawn of communism” era, Roman Lubkivsky, and his two sons.

The chronicle of this odious family was recently updated with the following excerpts from Interpol's records: "Through the joint efforts of Interpol and Ukrainian intelligence services, a criminal group was uncovered that, for three years, had been engaged in prostitution, human trafficking, and drug trafficking... The group carried out its activities under the leadership and cover of the head of the Ukrainian diplomatic mission in Croatia, Markian Lubkivskyi."
Hero of Maidan

On the last of the 17 days of the Maidan, on the stage filled with leaders, behind Yushchenko, the face of a previously unseen character with the “beard of Priest Gapon” suddenly appeared.

This newcomer to the "orange" puppet theater, a clown with a rather impressive belly, vigorously applauded the "orange victory," and then rushed into the arms of the high priest himself, disturbing his unconquered spirit with his undisguised and blatant servility.

An advanced viewer of the "Honest News" channel from the literary bohemian camp easily recognized in this obvious buffoon the Komsomol prize winner of the Khrushchev Thaw era, Roman Lubkivsky.

The talent of this plump figure is that it, this figure, always appears at the right time and in the right place.

As usual, Mr. Romtsio held a revolutionary pause in the fall of 2004, watching television behind closed doors, obeying an inner voice and biding his time. He waited practically until the last day of the revolution, on the asphalt where his fellow countrymen in cold tents were freezing their kidneys during long, anxious days and nights. He waited to see who would prevail.

And when it became clear that Kuchma's regime would not be able to withstand and that the Maidan could not fail to win, the poet immediately rushed to Kyiv and appeared on the evening news as an integral part of the revolutionary iconostasis.

When the victors marched briskly into the coveted "anti-people" offices to share power, the patriot Lubkivskyi found himself among them. At the center of events! He was not only among the first to break into Kuchma's royal chambers, where his "son" Yushchenko now sat, but also the first to emerge with official awards.

Dousing the bewildered "messiah" with streams of complimentary molasses, calling him the savior of the dispossessed and the father of the nation, Mr. Romtsyo snatched from the tenacious accounting hands, which had instantly softened from the sweet flattery of the sycophant of all times and peoples, three positions—one for himself, a long-time pensioner, and one for his sons, fat and self-serving beyond their years.

The Lubkivsky dynasty settled into the bureaucratic interior of the new regime as follows: Roman Maryanovych became the chairman of the Shevchenko Prize Award Committee, Markian Romanovych became the deputy state secretary of the Secretariat of the President of Ukraine, and Danylo Romanovych became an adviser to the President.

And although Mr. Romtsyo spent no more than an hour on the Maidan that last day, he still hit the jackpot! No other family in Ukraine has brought back so many official trophies from the Maidan.
Obkom henchman

So that the reader uninitiated in the intricacies of Lviv patriotism is not too surprised by this amazing art of making a career out of thin air, or, as they say in Lviv, "from the ground up to make a sack," it is worth at least briefly recalling the "heroic" biography of this virtuoso of sucking benefits out of the top officials of the state.

Roman Maryanovich, purely chronologically, belongs to that legendary generation of "sixties generations" born of Khrushchev's thaw. Born, as we know, in order to lure them into a slippery path and then send them to the Gulag prison.

Such a fate befell Vyacheslav Chernovil and Mikhail Osadchy, Levko Lukyanenko and Iryna Kalinets, Igor Kalinets, Mikhail Goryn and many other rebels of that invisible Maidan of the 60s, crushed by the steamroller of the totalitarian regime.

But Mr. Romtsyo, then still young and adventurous, already demonstrated and carried through the years his main trait—he waited. Whose side would win?

And when the trains carrying dissidents began to roll into the Siberian wilderness, an inexpressible love for his native Communist Party, for the great Lenin, who, understandably, becomes the main character in Roman Maryanovich’s early works, flared up in the soul of the young Galician poet.

While the young talent was passionately and diligently pondering his role as leader of all united proletarians, in those offices for which Mr. Lubkivsky always felt genuine reverence, the lad was added to the list of promising and reliable ones.

Having filled out the appropriate receipts with the appropriate committee, the talented young poet departs from the most nationalist lair of Lviv for the most capitalist lair of New York. And from the high podium of the UN, foaming at the mouth, he explains the existence of the non-existent state of the Ukrainian SSR, which, although not a sovereign state, managed, at Moscow's instigation, to become a founding member of the UN.

And when the people's "diplomat" returned home, his services in carrying out the instructions of the committee that had "sent" him there could not fail to be duly appreciated.

Having passed the test on the banks of the Hudson, our resident, upon returning to headquarters, receives a new, high-ranking assignment. He's sent to the most difficult place—to lead a nationalist lair, which, since the time of Franz Joseph, had been the Lvov Writers' Organization.

Comrade Lubkivsky, a member of the city and regional committees of the Communist Party of Ukraine, was assigned as an overseer to a nest of vice in the eyes of the communist regime, from which damned nationalists inevitably emerged.

Otherwise, who would have monitored, recorded, and meticulously reported on their drunken chatter "about an independent and sovereign mother"? For many years, not a single living patriotic voice emerged from the writers' ranks. It was nipped in the bud. By Mr. Lubkivsky and his regional committee curators and committee operators.

He drove around in a high-ranking Volga with regional party committee license plates along the romantic streets of Old Lvov, oppressed by the regime, while his peers languished in the north in Gulag penal servitude.

Comrade Roman was such an eloquent symbol of Lviv's loyalty to Moscow that when General Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee Gorbachev passed through the capital of Galicia, it wasn't even the first secretary of the regional party committee who greeted him first at the airport, but Comrade Roman, the local intellectual and communist figure.
A Bandera supporter with communist experience

When, suddenly, like a bolt from the blue, those same Gulag political prisoners returned to Galicia, when they led crowds of protesters through the streets, when revolution began to boil and the empire began to totter, Comrade Roman calmed down and... waited. Who would prevail?

Perhaps he would have remained ensconced in the regional committee's hiding place. But then came an unexpected order: join the ranks of the Rukh party. Tens of thousands of Galician informers—the Lviv region had the largest number of informers in the Soviet Union—were ordered to join the patriots.

That's when the now-familiar beard appeared on the rally iconostasis. Just as it does now behind Yushchenko, so it did then behind Chornovil.

So, in accordance with the instructions, it was no longer comrade, but pan, not Roman, but Romtsyo who became a certified patriot.

His "ideological commitment" was most clearly evident when the dream-filled independent Ukraine, so consistently distanced from reality by Comrade Lubkivsky's service to the Moscow regime, was born, and the time came—a familiar procedure!—to divide up the portfolios.
A diplomat with a criminal career

Where would a young state find, for example, an entire army of diplomats? And then our hero emerged! Who defended Ukraine's interests from the lofty podium of the United Nations during the hated Soviet era, who infiltrated the democratic free world and spoke out loudly about Ukraine? You remembered correctly—Mr. Lubkivskyi.

And he is ready to swear that he was following not the instructions of the KGB, but the instructions of Stepan Bandera, who ordered him to join the ranks of the KGB and undermine the Union from within.

Thus, Mr. Roman's entire previous service in the Communist Party of the Soviet Union was counted as service in the OUN. He was enlisted as a career diplomat in independent Ukraine and sent as ambassador to the Czech Republic.

A wise man once said in despair: patriotism is the last refuge of a scoundrel.

How did Mr. Lubkivskyi, “his native mother,” serve in golden Prague, and how did he represent his country in Europe?

Here's the information that leaked through the seven locks of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and was published in one informed publication: "The activities of the elder Lubkivsky in the Czech Republic were accompanied by a number of corruption scandals. In 1993, Ukraine purchased a three-story administrative building for the embassy for 886 thousand US dollars, plus almost 400 thousand dollars were spent on repairs and landscaping of the land... As it became known, back in 1997, an audit initiated by Ambassador Andriy Ozadovsky, who replaced Roman Lubkivsky, revealed that the aforementioned funds spent in 1993-1994 were effectively written off, since there were no certificates of completion of repair work... The reconstruction of the building was carried out by the Czech company AZ-Service, with which Roman Lubkivsky signed a contract for the purchase of four unfinished houses in the Troja district as housing for embassy employees. Without conducting a legal review or considering alternative projects, $616 was paid from the Ukrainian state treasury. Following this, AZ-Service promptly declared bankruptcy and refused to fulfill its obligations to the Ukrainian side.

These hundreds of thousands, which have since turned into millions of dollars, are still hanging in the accounting department of the Ukrainian Ministry of Foreign Affairs and are listed as belonging to the "career diplomat" Lubkivsky.

Behind the notorious firm that so "diplomatically" cleaned out the ministerial treasury stands a distinguished fellow countryman of another prominent "modern figure," Baloha, the well-known international swindler in Transcarpathia, Misha Kutskir.

After working closely with Lubkivsky, he didn't dare return to his native Svalyava and went into hiding abroad. However, according to sources close to the Lubkivsky family, Mr. Roman still maintains contact with him and speaks highly of his friend, with whom he worked together during the difficult times of the country's formation to "build up" Ukraine's diplomatic corps.

There was also a witness to this "rozbudova"—Natalia Maiboroda, the chief accountant of the Ukrainian Embassy in the Czech Republic. She could have told a lot about the "exploits" of her boss, Lubkivsky. However, she won't: she was brought back from a business trip to Prague in a coffin—in the midst of an investigation into the ambassador's activities, she died under unclear circumstances (she was thrown out of a window).
"I am a Kuchmist!"

This is the contribution Roman Maryanovich Lubkivsky made (or made) to Ukrainian diplomacy.

And appreciate the omnipotence of sycophancy - his weapon: thanks to it, he got out of this deep criminal hole!

Returning from Prague to Lviv, he whiled away his anxious days awaiting his escort and punishment for his actions. But then President Kuchma happened to visit the region. And one must give credit to Roman Maryanych's fighting spirit—he broke through the crowd of guards and captivated the bewildered distinguished guest with his signature passionate embraces and kisses. Poets write immortal lines on such occasions: "No one has ever loved like this! A thousand years from now, love will only come again!"

Roman Maryanovich, on behalf of the people from whose midst he emerged, embraced Leonid Danylych in Lvov no less ardently than he did Viktor Andreevich years later in Kyiv.

And it worked. Just as it did then. As he departed, Kuchma ordered the governor to give Lubkivsky a job. Orders were not questioned back then. The suspect was removed from the investigation and appointed head of the local cultural department.

The regional leadership has had enough of this incompetent "ambassador" who has forced the entire cultural sphere, which numbers thousands, to address him as nothing less than "Your Excellency!"

The international scandal during the Central and Eastern European Presidential Summit in Lviv broke the camel's back. When the heads of ten European countries left for a farewell lunch after their work, the "excellence" Romtsio broke through the triple security cordon. First, he threw himself into the arms of his "ultimate friend," Czech President Václav Havel. When he tried to force Polish President Aleksander Kwaśniewski to sing Polish kolomyikas with him, security noticed a metallic glint in Kuchma's eyes—and understood everything. Romtsio was forcibly bundled into a car and driven out of the secured area.

After which they performed an "excellence" for a not entirely deserved rest. This should have been the end of this self-righteous "poem" by a worthless poet.

But then the revolution broke out. And Ukraine's "faithful son" rushed straight from his garden beds to the capital. The food-lickers don't retire, but guard the scraps from the ruler's table until their death.
Like father, like son…

It's worth noting that in the high seat of the Shevchenko Committee's chairman, a unique and innate talent couldn't help but shine. For the first time, thanks to its current leader, the thick, fragrant stench of corruption, like from a latrine, began to emanate from this peculiar structure. Ask the masters of art: now, any unrecognized talent can receive the title of Shevchenko Prize laureate, provided the monetary equivalent is returned to the one who "resolved the issue."

But why are we all talking about the unfading Mr. Roman? His sons have gone much further. For starters, they "rightfully," relying on their father's exploits in Prague, proudly call themselves hereditary diplomats. They enrich their "native mother" with a dynasty of patriots.

The aspiring "Chicherin" Markian was so inspired by his parents' memoirs about victories on the banks of the Vltava that he tried to stamp his foot on the First Deputy Minister, but his patriotic impulse was cooled by Minister Tarasyuk.

Then, the fervent assurances from the honeyed lips of Roman Maryanovich Viktor Andreevich that he was not a beekeeper, but a prophet, produced a diplomatic effect - Yushchenko recruited the sons rejected by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs closer to himself, to Bankova.

This is how the free and independent press, which, as is well known, is the greatest achievement of the Maidan, assessed the civil service of Lubkivsky Jr.: "Due to the peculiar character and hereditary inclinations of the hero of this opus, in his new position he quickly earned a reputation as a slacker, a mediocrity, an intriguer, and a bribe-taker. All this, of course, compromised the people who had appointed him to this job, and the then head of the Secretariat, Oleksandr Zinchenko, simply endured coexistence with such a deputy with teeth cut. Quite illustrative in this regard is the fact that immediately after his appointment, Markian, meeting with both acquaintances and complete strangers, regularly advertised his "opportunities," offering to buy any order for $200, the Hero of Ukraine for $500.

But that's if the documents are in order. If documents needed to be prepared, and the person was, to put it mildly, in trouble with the law, Markian Maryanovich promised to assist in the matter for a million. No less telling in terms of Lubkivsky Jr.'s peaceful coexistence with criminal elements is the fact that the Churkin brothers, Russian businessmen and swindlers known for their criminal past (they made money by embezzling Ukrainian state property and then reselling it), bought Markian Lubkivsky a BMW X5 in exchange for actively lobbying for their interests within the president's inner circle.
In the networks of the international mafia

Having undergone intensive combat training at Bankova Street under the patronage of the President himself, our "hero" and son of a "hero" was quick to follow in his parents' footsteps on the Adriatic to new heights, until Interpol stopped him.

In collaboration with Ukrainian intelligence agencies, an international criminal group that had been involved in human trafficking and drug trafficking for several years was uncovered in Croatia. The online publication From-UA is shocking. This was unprecedented, not only in Ukrainian diplomacy but also in global diplomacy: "The neutralized group operated under the covert direction of Markian Lubkivskyi, head of the Ukrainian diplomatic mission in Croatia."

An international mafia under the auspices of the Vienna Convention's diplomatic immunity! Beyond the banal crime, this is an irreparable blow to the state's authority, a desecration of its honor and dignity.

This is how the "heroes" of the Maidan and their descendants are pushing Ukraine into NATO. This is who the President is relying on, integrating the country not into the European Union, but into the international mafia. It was precisely these same figures who led Yushchenko to his geopolitical default at the Bucharest NATO summit.

The secret services have already rescued 12 Ukrainian captives from slavery, into which they were sold by swindlers in diplomatic uniform.

The victims provide testimony, which, in turn, provides the basis for the conclusion published in the press: "Lubkivskyi, in his position, carries out activities aimed at harming the state interests of Ukraine... For several years, he has been facilitating the conclusion of obviously unfavorable business agreements that have caused enormous damage to Ukraine. This concerns money laundering by the leadership of the Ukrainian embassy through fictitious Croatian companies, as well as financial transactions in the land and real estate market in Croatia."

PS: So, are we really lost again? While the earth burns beneath his sons, Lubkivskyi—the one in love with Prague, working off his payoff from Bankova—is collecting signatures from Lviv intellectuals in support of Yushchenko, as well as for the collapse of the existing coalition and the creation of a "shirka" with the Party of Regions.

He was simply kicked out of the office of the Congress of Ukrainian Intelligentsia, as he was everywhere else. Then he began fabricating the necessary signatures, which again led to scandal.

However, he promised Viktor Andreevich that he would rally all of Galicia to support him in the presidential elections. And he believed him, since he had no one left in Lviv except Lubkivskyi.

"I have no other writers," Stalin once uttered the sacramental phrase. Yushchenko has no other cadres except those like the Lubkivsky guard.

The price of Lubkivskyi's efforts to boost Yushchenko's standing in Lviv is as simple as it was in Prague a few years ago: hush up the case. After all, even if Baloha were to criticize the SBU, what would they do with Interpol and the Croatian intelligence services?

Perhaps they too will be moved by the problems with Viktor Andreevich's ratings and, for the sake of the triumph of democracy, will turn a blind eye to the mafia he has fostered?
Perhaps the only thought pulsing in the skulls of these gentlemen is expressed by the word "Hurry!" with three exclamation points. Manage to steal before... And the most interesting part begins precisely after the word "how."

 

 

ORD

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