The appointment of previously convicted Party of Regions member Vladimir Mirutenko to the post of head of the Phytosanitary Inspectorate of the Odessa region makes one wonder why Mikheil Saakashvili doesn't notice such personnel changes and doesn't carry out his characteristically temperamental reshuffle.
The image of a champion of justice and a politician with zero tolerance for corruption allowed Mikheil Saakashvili to rapidly gain popularity and cement his place in the Ukrainian voter's mind as a panacea for all ills. Of course, Ukrainian politics lacks anyone with the courage to challenge the system, accuse top officials of corruption, be unceremonious with prosecutors, and respond swiftly to complaints from ordinary people about bureaucratic lawlessness and the exorbitant appetites of those in power. All of this combined has made Mikheil Saakashvili what he is today—the embodiment of many Ukrainians' hopes for a brighter future.
One of the traits that allowed Mikheil Saakashvili to gain the trust of Odesa residents is his strict approach to personnel appointments. For Saakashvili, there can be no compromise if someone is tainted not just by a corruption scandal, but even by the mere hint of dishonesty. Such people have no place near Saakashvili. But is this really true? Do the Odesa governor's private actions truly correspond entirely to his statements? Let's try to find out.
The media has repeatedly reported that the phytosanitary sector is one of the most corrupt. Should this fact be questioned if the same phytosanitary inspection agency is empowered to inspect farmers and traders, issue re-export certificates, quarantine certificates for plants, and so on? Where there are inspections and certificates, there is always corruption. And every Ukrainian knows this, especially the governor.
At the end of August, a certain Volodymyr Mirutenko, an aide to former Party of Regions member Yevhen Balitsky, was appointed the new head of the Odesa Oblast Phytosanitary Inspectorate. Interestingly, Mirutenko was convicted of embezzlement in 2013, but this didn't stop him from securing one of the most lucrative positions in the region.
Recently, social activist Mark Gordienko posted a transcript of a video recording of a conversation with Oleksandr Malyuga, the head of technical support for the Odesa Oblast Phytosanitary Inspectorate, on his Facebook page (https://www.facebook.com/markgordienko1968?fref=nf). In the conversation, the official openly reveals the schemes and "deals" that pervade the region's phytosanitary inspection, and unabashedly names his patrons – Volodymyr Mirutenko and Odesa Oblast Prosecutor Roman Govda.
"Right now, three of us, from the central office in Kyiv, have arrived to restore order in terms of working with operators. You know what I'm talking about," Oleksandr Malyuga tells the activist, unaware he's being recorded. He then adds, "We're paid monthly." As a reminder, it was previously reported that Volodymyr Mirutenko didn't come to Odesa alone, but with a "team" he'd previously worked with in the public sector—the Agricultural Inspectorate, the Agrofund, and other institutions. Malyuga names these organizations in his conversation with the activist, confirming his "team's" extensive experience.
"We'll continue to work as we have. Those who are ignored will be subject to higher-ups' decisions"—this is the format for working with businesses that Malyuga, at Mirutenko's behest, defined. "There's the Prosecutor General's Office, there are people who came and spoke with your Odesa prosecutor—and there was an immediate understanding. I won't go through all the other agencies now. Is the Prosecutor General's Office—Mr. Shokin—enough for you?"
Whether it's for "greater importance" or for real, the "new team" of phytosanitary inspection is being covered up by Shokin himself.
To substantiate his claims, Mark Gordienko, who published the transcript of the conversation, also posted on his page a statement sent to the Odessa Oblast Prosecutor's Office requesting an assessment of the new-old methods of work of the phytosanitary inspection's leadership, represented by Vladimir Mirutenko.
Now, to summarize, let's try to analyze the current situation. Every (every!) personnel appointment in the region is coordinated with the governor. It's hard to imagine that the central government, knowing Saakashvili's personality and methods, would attempt to make such a personnel decision on its own. In a region that exports agricultural products and is simply a leader in customs turnover, the position of head of the Phytosanitary Inspectorate is extremely important. After all, the filling of the shadow cash fund and its subsequent distribution depend on this position. Could it be that Mikheil Saakashvili, who keeps his finger on the pulse of events in the region, accidentally overlooked the appointment of a convicted "regional" member to this position? The cynicism of the situation also lies in the openness with which the Phytosanitary Inspectorate discusses its "operational scheme." Perhaps this is the openness and transparency the new governor speaks of? Perhaps, when choosing between fighting corruption and orienting it towards oneself, the scales have tipped towards the latter?
Sometimes it seems as if two Odessas exist in parallel in Ukraine. One is the Odessa of Saakashvili, with its intolerance of corruption, public "floggings" of incompetent officials, and a new, honest government. The other is the Odessa of the past, where corruption flourishes on an unprecedented scale, an Odessa in which the good father, the Tsar, remains ignorant of the actions of his subjects.
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