Mikhail Okhendovsky
The biography of the Central Election Commission Chairman explains the large-scale falsifications in the elections.
But it does not explain why the authorities allow this to be done by an obvious protégé of pro-Kremlin forces in Ukraine.
Chairman of the Central Election Commission Mikhail Okhendovsky He deserves a state award. A Russian one. It was precisely with the complicity of this official and the massive violation of electoral law by Okhendovsky himself and the Central Election Commission members subordinate to him that a massive "fifth column" of Moscow proxies and "simply" odious embezzlers of public funds was able to gain entry into the Ukrainian parliament. However, with the assistance of the Central Election Commission, the obvious patriotic winners of the election race were unable to gain entry into parliament.
How this was organized on a technical level can be read in the publication "Media: Central Election Commission Head Okhendovsky Demanded Bribes for the 'Correct' Vote Count."
It couldn’t be otherwise, considering whose protégé Mikhail Okhendovsky is.
Almost all of M. Okhendovsky's biography is connected in one way or another to the "Medvedchuk group." Since 1993, a student at the Institute of International Relations of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv, he worked at Proxen Law Firm, first as an assistant, then as a lawyer, and later as deputy director.
In the first half of the 1990s, the law firm Proxen was one of Ukraine's leading law firms. It was founded and headed (1990-1998) by Oleksandr Zadorozhniy, then deputy dean of the Faculty of International Relations at the Taras Shevchenko Kyiv State University (later the Institute of International Relations of the Kyiv National University). Proxen's clients included individuals from the business community. Igor Bakai (Respublika, NAK Naftogaz), Oleksandr Volkov (read "Agent Mikhailov is striving for power again") and even major criminal authorities of Kyiv and Ukraine.
It got to the point that the same M. Okhendovsky was a defendant - a suspect in criminal case No. 20-2681, opened by the investigative department of the Kyiv Main Directorate for Combating Organized Crime (UBOP) on February 2, 1999, under the "economic" article 148-5 of the Criminal Code "Engaging in prohibited types of individual labor activity."
Specifically, while already an assistant to a people's deputy (A. Zadorozhny), citizen M. Okhendovsky, together with another lawyer from Proxen, Roman Shingur, falsified foreign trade documentation for the benefit of companies belonging to the criminal authority Vyacheslav Peresetsky (nicknamed "Fascist"). This caused damage to the state "on an especially large scale"—this involved the smuggling of large quantities of construction materials. This is how they got busted.
The scandal was high-profile, the evidence was clear, and so the "fire victims" turned to lawyer Yuriy Gaysinsky, who had recently gone freelance after being dismissed amid scandal from the Kyiv Prosecutor's Office. The cunning Yuriy Gaysinsky arranged matters so that the practically closed criminal case No. 20-2681 was requested by investigators Musienko and Grechko from the Organized Crime Control Department (UBOP) investigators Pilipenko and Ganzyuk (both, incidentally, are still alive). The Kyiv Prosecutor's Office, in turn, requested it from the Prosecutor General's Office, and somewhere between these respected institutions, the case... got lost. The bandits' accomplice, Mikhail Okhendovsky, remained at large.
This little-known episode eloquently characterizes the environment in which the “lawyer” Mikhail Okhendovsky was formed, and his moral and business qualities.
Incidentally, M. Okhendovskyi's patron, A. Zadorozhniy, first became a member of the Verkhovna Rada in 1998. In the Rada, he actively collaborated with the so-called "Oleksandr Volkov group"—a whole gang of top managers from the Naftogaz national joint-stock company, including its boss, Ihor Bakai. These guys urgently needed parliamentary immunity—Bakai and company had robbed Naftogaz of hundreds of millions of dollars, and the Prosecutor General's Office, the Security Service of Ukraine, and the Organized Crime Control Department of the Ministry of Internal Affairs began digging deep.
M. Okhendovskyi "surfaced" in a prominent government position in 2002—he is now vice president of the National Television Company of Ukraine and head of its legal department. This makes him the "eyes and ears" of Viktor Medvedchuk, who became the head of presidential administration under Leonid Kuchma. A criminally vetted man, Okhendovskyi joined Medvedchuk's ranks through the patronage of his boss, A. Zadorozhny, whom media outlets at the time boldly considered one of Medvedchuk's closest allies.
But Okhendovskyi's star rose to prominence when he was planted by the Medvedchukites in the Central Election Commission. Beginning in February 2004, he served three terms as a member of the Central Election Commission. And on June 1, 2007, Okhendovskyi was elected under the quota of the so-called "anti-crisis coalition," led by the Party of Regions. He was a proven asset: during the 2004 presidential election, it was Okhendovskyi who defended the position of the Kivalov-led Central Election Commission in the Supreme Court of Ukraine, declaring the pro-government candidate, Viktor Yanukovych, the winner of the second round.
As a reminder, this CEC decision was appealed by representatives of opposition candidate Viktor Yushchenko, and ultimately the Supreme Court of Ukraine acknowledged the mass falsification of the citizens' vote. This falsification involved Mykola Okhendovskyi, who was directly involved.
By early 2013, virtually the entire state apparatus in Ukraine was controlled by Russian intelligence services and their agents. And so, in July 2013, Mykhailo Okhendovsky, a Medvedchukovite who had proven his loyalty to his masters in both word and deed, was elected Chairman of the Central Election Commission by secret ballot. The result, however, was known long before the procedure began.
It is natural that in the last parliamentary elections, M. Okhendovsky's actions completely coincided with the interests of pro-Russian candidates and nominees from yesterday's Party of Regions.
It was the height of naivety for President Petro Poroshenko to entrust Mykhailo Okhendovskyi with the leadership of the election campaign, especially during a war. How Okhendovskyi's bias, so to speak, could have been "neutralized" is a question for the Ukrainian security services: by virtue of their mandate, within the framework of their powers, and using their technical means, they could have significantly curtailed the illegal activities of the head of the Central Election Commission. But this wasn't done. Why? That's a question for the head of state, who clearly doesn't want to conflict with Medvedchuk or his gang. Or with anyone, for that matter.
As a result, the southeast of Ukraine, which was recaptured from the terrorists with bloodshed, has today once again been handed over by the authorities to the scoundrels and thieves from the Party of Regions and the Donetsk organized crime group "Lux".
It is clear that the scoundrel and rogue Okhendovsky is a “shot down pilot,” and his career in the Central Election Commission ends here.
But it would be criminal not to provide a legal assessment—as part of the criminal case—of M. Okhendovsky's performance as head of the Central Election Commission. As with most of the members of this peculiar group. Fortunately, there are dozens of incidents to investigate. Clearly, as part of the criminal case, the investigation must assess the striking discrepancy between the Okhendovsky family's expenses and their income. And it would certainly be a good idea to investigate M. Okhendovsky's involvement in collaborating with Russian intelligence services—a country where dozens of clients and patrons of the current head of the Central Election Commission who fled Ukraine are currently residing.
However, the author will not be surprised that, after the election campaign, Mykhailo Okhendovskyi will quietly leave Ukraine without any obstacles from the Ministry of Internal Affairs, the Security Service of Ukraine, or the Prosecutor General's Office. Due to his circumstances and official position, this man knows so much about the "shadow" side of the electoral process in Ukraine that his revelations in the investigative reports are of no use not only to the Russian intelligence services and the Russian "fifth column" in Ukrainian politics, but also to the so-called "democrats." There is enough dirt for everyone.
Photo: Max Levin / LB.ua
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Sergey Fedorov, "Argument"
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