Mikhail Podolyak: Information Warfare General or a Simple PR Man?
It's people like these that make journalism the second oldest profession—that's what one can say, in a nutshell, about the man who has been shaping the Presidential Office's information policy for two years now, writing speeches for the head of state, and sometimes even speaking on his behalf. Of course, Podolyak does this very professionally, and his contribution to Ukraine's information warfare superiority over Russia is quite obvious. And yet, Ukraine's information policy wasn't going so well when Zelenskyy needed the help of people like Podolyak and Arestovich… By the way, we have already talked about the latter. in our dossier it is written Klymenko.
Mikhail Podolyak. The path to journalism
Mykhailo Mykhailovych Podolyak was born on February 16, 1972, in Lviv. Information about his parents is virtually nonexistent: it's only known that they eventually moved to Novovolynsk, where Mykhailo Podolyak graduated from high school, and then to Lutsk. His secretive nature is a hallmark of his personality, which isn't surprising. After all, a man who spent his entire life digging for dirt on others surely tried to keep others from finding clues about himself! Yet, Podolyak is well known in Ukraine and remembered in Belarus, lest he bury all the undesirable facts of his past.
So, at one time some media outlets claimed that Podolyak had older brother Vladimir (born 1965), who has lived in Russia since the late 80s and allegedly works for either the GRU or the FSB. This, they say, explains Mikhail Podolyak's long-standing ties to the intelligence services, which he sometimes boasted about! But the veracity of this information is unknown.
At school, Mikhail Podolyak was a solid "B" student, and even an "A" student in chemistry and biology, placing high in city competitions. In 1989, 17-year-old Podolyak went to Minsk, where he enrolled in medical school.
However, in Minsk, Podolyak immediately caught the wind of political perestroika. True, being a rather mercantile young man, he was captivated not by ideas, but by prospects. Of course, he couldn't run for office, but he found another calling, which later proved to be his gold mine: he became a journalist specializing in PR and anti-PR (so-called black PR), sought after by both the government and the opposition. His first articles were published as early as 1990. Soon, Podolyak realized that he was much better at penning his pen than practicing in an anatomical theater, and he gradually abandoned his medical studies. Whether Podolyak ever completed his studies, or even whether he even has a higher education degree, remains one of his secrets.
Having remained living and working in Minsk, Podolyak also chose not to convert to Belarusian citizenship in the 90s, instead retaining his Ukrainian one. Perhaps this wasn't a matter of patriotism, but rather of an advantage Podolyak never missed. Firstly, it allowed him to avoid military service: in Belarus, he couldn't be drafted as a foreigner, and his Ukrainian military commissariats couldn't reach him in Minsk. Secondly, his status as a foreign citizen helped him get out of situations that would have landed a Belarusian behind bars. As it was, he only managed to get himself forced to deport to Ukraine.
Mikhail Podolyak: Information Warfare General or a Simple PR Man?
Mikhail Podolyak in Belarus: His Political Omnivorousness
If Mikhail Podolyak had seriously studied to become a doctor, he would have simply had no time to pursue professional journalism in the mid-90s. Meanwhile, in 1994, he became editor-in-chief of the new publication "Andrey Klimov Newspaper" (circulation over 20).
Former firefighter Andrei Klimov got involved in apartment schemes in the early 90s, which is how he rose to fame, becoming one of the budding Belarusian oligarchs. By 1995, in addition to a newspaper, he owned a construction company and a bank, and he needed his own publication to run for election to the Supreme Council of the Republic of Belarus (elections took place in May and December 1995). How the 29-year-old Klimov met the 22-year-old Podolyak remains a personal secret—perhaps Klimov's graduate status from the Lviv Firefighting School played a role. But by then, Podolyak had sufficient experience and reputation to become Klimov's editor-in-chief and, de facto, his image-maker. Along with articles extolling Klimov's entrepreneurial genius and boundless humanity, Podolyak's newspaper published then-popular articles about the horrors of the "communist regime" and erotic-ufological reviews.
Klimov was one of the deputies who spoke out against the early dissolution of the Supreme Council (in 1996), which led him into the opposition. He also became a personal enemy of Lukashenko, ultimately going to prison in 1998 on charges of large-scale fraud. But by that time, Mikhail Podolyak had already abandoned Klimov, who had become "toxic," for new clients—of which there were plenty before the 1996 snap elections.
One of them was Sergei Gaidukevich, the leader of the Liberal Democratic Party of Belarus (his son, Oleg, now leads the party). After working closely with him, Podolyak became the editor of the newspaper "Pravda Gaidukevicha." He wasn't the least bit bothered by the fact that Gaidukevich was in soft opposition to Lukashenko for one reason: he was far more pro-Russian than "Batka," advocating for a confederation of Belarus and Russia even before the two countries signed a union treaty. Consequently, "Pravda Gaidukevicha," edited by Podolyak, actively campaigned for a "union of fraternal peoples" among Belarusians. Today, Oleg Gaidukevich recalls about Podolyak:
"Back then, 23-year-old Podolyak was completely pro-Russian, but today he holds an anti-Russian viewpoint. And why did he leave the party? Simply because of the money; it wasn't over any political differences. That is, while he was well paid, and he was earning a very respectable sum at the time—several thousand dollars—no one else was making that kind of money, the young man worked closely with us. But as soon as the money dried up, he immediately quit and became a Russophobe. A person like that is the most terrible thing in politics! He will sell everyone out, always. I'm sure that if Mikhail were paid a huge sum, he'd be back on Russia's side tomorrow—it's just a question of price."
Sergey Gaidukevich
Several thousand dollars is a huge sum for the modest editor of a party newspaper. Therefore, Podolyak could only abandon his reliable employers, the Gaidukevichs, and join the opposition, who were constantly expecting a visit from the Belarusian KGB, if he received a more lucrative offer. And judging by what Belarusian and Ukrainian media later wrote about him, two other factors contributed to this.
Firstly, Podolyak specialized in "jeans" and other commissioned publications, developing it into a well-established business, later officially registered as a media consulting firm. Working for Gaidukevich alone wasn't enough for him; he wanted to be an independent "media entrepreneur" with numerous wealthy clients. The Belarusian opposition, which spared no expense on materials that attacked the government or its rivals from other parties, provided him with many such clients. Secondly, Podolyak actively collaborated with both the Belarusian and Russian intelligence services (which he himself admitted to on numerous occasions), and with Western embassies. One publication even arguedPodolyak was allegedly recruited by Mark Fungard, the third secretary of the political and economic section of the US Embassy in Minsk. They leaked information or spread disinformation through Podolyak, and also provided him with a certain amount of protection. Perhaps this is why Belarusian opposition figures were jailed, but Podolyak was not!
Apparently, this also helped him avoid lawsuits. A telling example is the case of the Belarusian publication "Nasha Svoboda," in which Podolyak published an anti-PR piece about the then-chairman of the State Control Committee, Anatoly Tozik. In August 2002, the Moskovsky District Court of Minsk found the publication defamatory of Tozik, imposing a fine and legal costs totaling $54 on the newspaper and $2,7 in moral damages on Podolyak. The newspaper subsequently ceased publication, and Podolyak immediately found a new outlet.
Podolyak's political "omnivorousness" then took on truly indecent forms. Belarusian journalist Diana Shibkovskaya told this is what is said about him:
At that time, Mikhail was already vehemently opposed to the Belarusian government and collaborated with opposition media. A representative of the state press then asked the defecting journalist how he could spin around like a weather vane. He responded, "What distinguishes a professional from other journalists is that they're unprincipled." Podolyak added, "And if I have to swallow a fresh pile of shit for personal gain, I'll eat it without a murmur. If it means making a fortune, I'll put all my principles aside. It all depends on whether it benefits me or not."
Mikhail Podolyak is believed to have been deported from Belarus on June 21, 2004, for his vigorous opposition activities, especially since the official reason given was "calls for the consolidation of the radical opposition to counteract Belarusian state authorities, which could lead to the destabilization of the political situation in the republic." You'll agree that it couldn't have been better; with such a "sentence," Podolyak would have been immediately welcomed into the open arms of the Ukrainian opposition, which was then preparing for elections and the first Maidan!
However, there is another, unpublicized version of Podolyak's deportation. According to this theory, it occurred as a result of his serious conflict with Anatoly Lebedko, chairman of the United Civil Party. As a leader of the Belarusian opposition, Lebedko was a "favorite of the West," frequently meeting with European politicians and speaking in the US Senate. Then, something happened that forced Lebedko to accuse Podolyak of greed and immorality, after which Belarusian security services suddenly and hastily deported him to Ukraine.
Anatoly Lebedko
Was the compromised "agent" deported or simply transferred to another country? Who knows! But perhaps this is precisely why Podolyak, upon arriving in Kyiv, was unable to profitably "sell" himself to the "Orange Coalition." Moreover, he soon began working against its leaders, sowing distrust and hostility among them.
Mykhailo Podolyak in Ukraine: From Brodsky to Ivanyushchenko
Immediately upon arriving in Kyiv, Mykhailo Podolyak acquired an expensive apartment and a new car—purchased either with his savings or with the advance payment and relocation allowance he received. In 2005, he founded the publishing house "Ukrainian Media Group" and "Consulting Group Media Pro System" LLC, and began publishing the "Ukrainian Newspaper." Podolyak's primary focus remained the same: commissioned PR and anti-PR efforts.
And so, in April 2005, the Ukrainian newspaper published a scandalous article, “The Last Supper,” in which Podolyak raised the then-current topic of Viktor Yushchenko’s poisoning, emphasizing the possible involvement of the “orange oligarch.” David Zhvania and the former deputy chairman of the SBU Vladimir SatsyukThe article caused quite a stir: Podolyak was summoned to the Prosecutor General's Office as a witness, the SBU visited him, and other journalists condemned him. Media expert Natalia Ligacheva, for example, said the following about it:Such publications, which appeared in the “Ukrainian newspaper”, were made without observing any journalistic standards.at".
The resonance did not die down for a long time, and this publication played a role in Vladimir Satsyuk falling into deep disfavor with Viktor Yushchenko, being stripped of his titles, and ultimately leaving for Russia, where he remained until 2011. And practically no one paid attention to the fact that "The Last Supper," which destroyed Satsyuk, was published shortly after Mykhailo Podolyak began working for the odious Russian-Ukrainian raider. Vadim Grib. He was at the time having serious friction with Vladimir Satsyuk over the NPO Medinzhservis. Thus, Podolyak, fulfilling Grib's orders, simply drowned Satsyuk in the worst possible publicity!
Vadim Grib
Having provided information services to Grib, Podolyak began working with his good friend, an equally scandalous oligarch, in 2006. Mikhail Brodsky, who then held the position of Chairman of the State Committee on Regulatory Policy. Podolyak joined him as an adviser on media policy and PR, and began working at Brodsky's Obozrevatel, where he became editor-in-chief in 2011. But a few years later, Podolyak fell out with Brodsky, just as he had with his previous employers. So seriously, in fact, that when Podolyak became an adviser to the head of the Office of the President and an important figure in Zelenskyy's team, he began threatening Brodsky.let blood».
In 2010, Podolyak again attempted to work (remotely) in Belarus, where preparations were underway for the next elections and protests. In response, the Belarusian website "Free News Plus" allegedly published interview with Podolyak, in which he bragged about his connections to the Ukrainian and Russian intelligence services and declared that he was willing to write anything for money. Podolyak soon claimed that the interview was a fake, cobbled together from fragments of his previous "off-the-record conversations" with certain intelligence officials, and that it was 20% fictitious. But that means it was 80% true?!
When the government changed in Ukraine, Mykhailo Podolyak got a job as a consultant To Sergey Levochkin — the head of Yanukovych's presidential administration. Thanks to this, in particular, Podolyak was included in a select group of journalists (along with Shuster and Kiselyov) allowed to meet with Yanukovych in Mezhyhirya. Afterwards, he highly praised Yanukovych in my article in "Obozrevatel", promoting him as a competent and far-sighted leader, open to dialogue and intolerant of corruption.
Mykhailo Podolyak (right) at a tea party with Viktor Yanukovych (left)
It was quite natural that he moved from Levochkin and Yanukovych to PR services for the scandalous Yuri Ivanyushchenko. It seemed that to whiten the reputation of "Yury Yenakievsky"It's simply impossible, but Podolyak took on the case - apparently for a very good fee!
On April 29, 2011, UNIAN hosted press conference On the topic "Who Invented the Myth of Yuri Ivanyushchenko and Why?", it was organized by Tatyana Gavrish (Stepan Gavrish's daughter), her deputy at the law firm ILF, Alexey Kharitonov, and Mikhail Podolyak. It was Podolyak who prepared the main points presented at this press conference:
- Why was a massive campaign launched in national media to discredit MP Yuriy Ivanyushchenko as much as possible?
- During this campaign, false documents are used and deliberately false information is provided about Ivanyushchenko’s criminal connections.
- There is no evidence of any connections between Ivanyushchenko and the Ukrainian criminal community, which will be proven by the people's deputy's legal advisers.
- The SBU and the Prosecutor General's Office deny the existence of any defamatory materials about MP Ivanyushchenko in their archives or in the current investigative proceedings.
- Before the start of the "discrediting campaign," no one mentioned any connections that would tarnish the bright image of People's Deputy Ivanyushchenko.
No comment here, as they say! I wonder if Mikhail Podolyak remembers this press conference? After all, despite all his cynicism, he sometimes tries to erase certain pages of his past that have become very undesirable. For example, the article "Poroshenko's organized crime group vs. Kolomoisky", published in 2010 in "Obozrevatel", where Podolyak literally ridiculed the future president of Ukraine:
"These days, one can speak of Poroshenko either indifferently or ironically. Who is he? What is his real (as opposed to imaginary) influence? Minister of Foreign Affairs? Not serious. Just a temporary respite. A situational hill on an endless downward slope. A promising politician? Doubly so. He has no chance of ever returning to the favored bedchamber anywhere. His thinking, so to speak, is too crude and greedy."
True, Podolyak truly couldn't have predicted back then that Poroshenko would ultimately become president. And when he did, he hastily removed the article from the Obozrevatel website. He was so confident no one would remember it that in February 2015, he tried to secure the position of head of the Kyiv headquarters of the Petro Poroshenko Bloc.
The Road to Bankova: The "Dark Demon's" Advisor
Things didn't work out for Podolyak with the BPP headquarters, and he went into the role of chief PR man and political strategist To Sergey Dumchev, who spent $20 million on his election campaign. Kyiv was plastered with billboards featuring rhinos (the symbol of his party, the Movement for Reforms), Vitali Klitschko was showered with smear campaigning in printed leaflets and online media, and some polling centers projected Dumchev at least 9% and second place. But when the Kyiv mayoral elections took place in October 2015, Dumchev received only 3,9% and finished eighth. The loss was so devastating considering the amount invested in the elections (according to media reports, Dumchev was sponsored Sergey Tigipko), Podolyak struggled to find new clients for a long time after that. His reputation took a turn for the worse!
However, in 2016, a PR campaign in defense of a scandalous MP became a good “side job” for Podolyak, who had acquired a taste for the high life. Alexandra OnishchenkoUnlike the crudely crafted campaign in Ivanyushchenko's defense, which relied on the crude method of "what evidence do you have?", Podolyak approached the matter thoughtfully and creatively, managing to portray Onishchenko as a bit guilty, yet evoking pity and sympathy.
From time to time, the "bored" Podolyak entertained himself with outright fakes. For example, in August 2017, he wrote on the 24 Kanal website that Lithuanian President Dalia Grybauskaitė did not want to communicate with Petro Poroshenko "Her refusal to communicate with Petro Oleksiyovych is an extremely bad sign. A sign of disappointment among those who sincerely and freely love us." Soon, the Presidential Secretariat officially declared Podolyak's statement a "fake story." But this fake story was essential to Podolyak, who was carrying out someone's orders to discredit Poroshenko—specifically, by convincing Ukrainians that the president had become "unwelcome" in the West and needed to be replaced. And as Podolyak wrote in January 2021, "fake news is the new idol of a new era."
Mykhailo Podolyak's participation in the 2019 elections was not noticed—apparently, Zelenskyy's team successfully "killed" Poroshenko without his help. Therefore, Podolyak resorted to a military ploy: he began quietly pouring smears on the "servants of the people," expecting them to make a business proposal. For example, in March 2020, Podolyak wrote about Andrey Ermak as follows:
"Yermak is evil now. A dark demon behind Zelenskyy. One who will brutally mobilize his opponents. Irritate them and make them gnash their teeth. Sooner or later, Zelenskyy will tire of him and try to send Bohdan his way."
Bankova heard him, and literally a month later, Podolyak was appointed, also to Yermak, as an "anti-crisis adviser." This convoluted title concealed the rapidly declining ratings of the Servant of the People party, followed by a decline in support for Zelenskyy himself. And Bankova desperately needed an experienced "PR man" to rectify this situation. Thus, Podolyak effectively began shaping Zelenskyy's team's information policy, and then began to exert significant influence on other policies. It was his arrival at the OP that was associated with the Servant of the People's war against Anatoly Shariy, the subsequent conflict with the Opposition Platform - For Life party, and Zelenskyy's overall, dramatically altered rhetoric.
But while Mykhailo Podolyak remained largely in the shadows until the spring of 2022, with the onset of Russia's full-scale war against Ukraine, he enjoyed his still-unrelenting "moment of glory." Zelenskyy praised Podolyak's ability to twist and turn information so that he sometimes deftly interpreted Ukraine's defeats as a well-thought-out, cunning strategy leading to inevitable victory, while immediately dismissing all counterarguments as "Russian propaganda fakes."
Well, Podolyak deservedly deserves the title of "information warfare general"! But we mustn't forget that he's a hired hand, currently fulfilling the most important assignment of his life. After all, the military will win the war, and the politicians will sign the peace—and the role of PR people in these events is ultimately secondary.
Skelet.Org
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