Nikolai Vorobey
Viktor Medvedchuk has acquired a new financial donor. He is Belarusian businessman Nikolai Vorobey, whose Absolutbank paid Medvedchuk 2,3 million hryvnias in unspecified fees. But for what exactly? Was it for Vorobey's company supplying coal from Russia and the "LPR/DPR" to Ukraine? Or perhaps for Medvedchuk's assistance in purchasing the Ukrainian PrikarpatZapadtrans pipeline? It's even possible that this was a down payment for assistance in Vorobey's new attempt to gain control of Centrenergo. In any case, their relationship is deeply concerning, as Nikolai Vorobey has a murky reputation for large-scale, shady, and corrupt schemes, reminiscent of the 90s, that are still thriving in Belarus.
Many Ukrainians naively imagine Belarus as a country with a strong manager, Lukashenko, who has driven out all thieves and speculators. In reality, the situation is almost the opposite: it is under Lukashenko's wing that the most incredible scams have been carried out, practically officially, for a quarter of a century, through which his tame oligarchs—of whom Nikolai Vorobei is currently among the top ten—are amassing their wealth.
Nikolai Vorobey. The Solvent Case
Nikolai Nikolaevich Vorobey (often spelled "Mikalay Varabey" in Belarus) was born on May 4, 1963, somewhere in Ukraine. He hides his past so carefully that he refuses to even reveal the city or village in which he was born. Similarly, nothing is known about his parents or relatives.
After high school, Vorobey enrolled at Taras Shevchenko University of Kyiv, where he earned a degree in history in 1985—a degree he never put to good use. Immediately after graduating, he was drafted into the army, where he faithfully served for two years. Afterward, he didn't return home, but went to the Belarusian city of Novopolotsk (Vitebsk Oblast), where he found work at a local VAZ service station. It resembled some kind of escape, perhaps even from the law, but this is a personal secret of Vorobey's, perhaps known only to his oldest friend and partner, Vitaly Grigoryevich Zeif—with whom he started out at the service station.
Vitaly Zeif (right) at the opening of his factory in Novopolotsk (2017)
Nikolai Vorobey: Why did the oil captain of Belarusian corruption dock in Ukraine? Part 1
Historian Vorobey didn't know much about cars, but he turned out to be a tough guy. After working at the station for just over a year, he managed to persuade its workers to elect him as the new director (at the height of Perestroika in the USSR, it was fashionable for managers to be elected by the workforce), and immediately appointed Zeif, who also knew little about technology, as his deputy. Rumor has it that Vorobey owed his election to the local gang that arrived to persuade the service station's workforce to vote for him. Vorobey either quickly became friends with them, or (also rumored) he had an acquaintance in the local organized crime group, supposedly a comrade from the army or university, who invited him to live in Novopolotsk. In short, it appears the gangsters installed their own man as the station's director.
The station's workers, however, didn't complain, since between 1989 and 91, Vorobey had converted it to a self-financing system and launched a real business—though mostly a shadow economy. The station always had scarce spare parts, whatever they could find, either sourced by Vorobey or brought to him by gangsters, but they cost one and a half to two times more. There were also two queues: one where you had to wait months for repairs, the other where they were done "quickly, but more expensively." However, Vorobey always had "discounts" for VIP clients (bandits, city officials, police).
In the early 90s, Vorobey and Zeif switched to selling foreign cars, which were imported in droves from Europe. This was the most criminally motivated business, feeding many Belarusian organized crime groups. So, rumors of Vorobey's ties to crime are not surprising, nor is his absolute reluctance to talk about his life during these years. It is known that in April 1994, Vorobey founded Avtoimport LLC (UNP 300220895), which is still in operation today. This enterprise was the beginning of his accumulation of start-up capital.
Big people
Vorobei's next breakthrough was facilitated by a certain "Ivan Ivanovich." Residents of Novopolotsk who knew Vorobei spoke of this character, adding that "Ivanovich had pulled many people to the top." True, there were two such "Ivanoviches" in Vorobei's life. The first was Ivan Ivanovich Rashchinsky, director of Novopolotsk Motor Transport Enterprise No. 6, a man also "influential," with numerous connections, but still a local, provincial figure. The second was Ivan Ivanovich Titenkov, once one of the most influential people in Belarus. It was Titenkov who suggested Lukashenko run for president and helped him win the 1994 election. Titenkov personally tore down and ripped apart the old "Lithuanian" white-red-white flag from the roof of the presidential administration building. Titenkov held the incredibly lucrative and highly corrupt position of Chief of Staff of the President of Belarus under Lukashenko, a position he held until 1999.
Ivan Titenkov
Titenkov was "devoured" by another Lukashenko confidant, General Viktor Sheiman, who served as State Secretary of the Security Council of Belarus from 1994 to 2000 and from 2006 to 2008. He created the sinister Directorate for the Protection of the State System, commanded by Colonel Vladimir Tkachenko (who died under mysterious circumstances in 2005) and overseen by Sheiman's deputy for special assignments, Viktor Novelsky (nicknamed "Saruman" for his distinctive appearance and personality). This Directorate was a special unit of the political police, and not only carried out surveillance but also, according to the Belarusian opposition, acted as a "death squad."
Victor Sheiman
One of Sheiman's old army friends (from his time in Afghanistan) is retired Colonel Alexander Metla. According to those who knew him, Metla has always been a restless entertainer: in the army, he built things, ran a business in civilian life, then, with the help of high-ranking friends, founded the "Memory of Afghanistan" foundation, and then turned to reenactment, becoming the director of the "Stalin Line" historical and cultural complex , which he founded in 2005. The complex, it must be said, is simply magnificent: it is located around the reconstructed fortifications of the Minsk Fortified Region, contains a wealth of unique, restored military equipment from the Great Patriotic War (even an armored train), regularly hosts reenactment shows, and episodes of several films about the war were filmed there. Alexander Lukashenko has visited the complex on numerous occasions for festive performances – Metla has personally greeted him, dressed in a WWII uniform, giving the president a tour.
Alexander Metla
The oldest connection between Vorobyov and Lukashenko's inner circle runs through Alexander Metla. Metla is the owner of the offshore virgin company Interforest Corp, established back in 1998. A year later, Interforest Joint Venture (since 2004, Interforest Joint Venture) was established in Belarus, with Metla's Interforest Corp and Vorobyov's Avtoimport LLC as its founders.
Nikolai Vorobey. From Forest to Oil
Nikolai Vorobey is a skilled showman himself: he owns one of Europe's largest hunting lodges , Krasny Bor , which he has transformed into an international tourist complex. The story behind its creation is quite fascinating, but Vorobey himself won't tell the whole truth, so we'll supplement it with information from Belarusian sources/ Skelet.Org.
In the mid-90s, Nikola Vorobey, who had ties to local criminals, was involved in the trade of foreign cars and timber, investing in restaurants. It was supposedly the timber that led him to Ivan Titenkov, who had been involved in a vast, diversified business since the late 80s. It was said that the timber business later became the foundation of the Interforest joint venture, but this was back when Titenkov and Sheiman were part of Lukashenko's team, even though they already hated each other. This is why Metla, Sheiman's man, ended up as the firm's "foreign founder."
Instead of simply exporting round timber, as Ukrainian companies did, Interforest began producing sawn timber, prefabricated houses, saunas, and other wooden structures. This was, so to speak, a progressive step forward. Krasny Bor LLC (UNP 391033635) was created on the same principle. Initially, illegal wild animal hunting was carried out in the area: bandits, cops, and government officials enjoyed it in the 90s. While the wild animals were nearly exterminated, the area was not used for development or large-scale logging (the numerous streams, lakes, and swamps prevented this). In 1997, the area was staked out, creating the Krasny Bor Landscape Reserve. And in 1998, Vorobey received permission to establish a hunting ground of the same name there. To ensure there was something to hunt, special farms were created where deer, roe deer, and other animals were raised and then "released" into the hunters' sights. It's a bloody business, in the truest sense of the word!
Vorobey, who had previously purchased several restaurants, already had some experience in the leisure industry. Krasny Bor initially targeted wealthy clients, building a hotel complex with private chalet-style rooms. It's primarily visited by Belarusian businessmen and officials, as well as Europeans (Germans and Austrians). Since hunting in Europe is too expensive and now highly reprehensible from an ethical standpoint, local shooters travel to Belarus to hunt.
Deer raised in Krasny Bor for slaughter for foreign hunting tourists
No matter how much Alexander Lukashenko patronized his corrupt circle, he would shake it up from time to time, leading to purges of officials and businessmen across the country. In 2007, Vorobey was also caught in such a purge: he was arrested by the Belarusian KGB in connection with the case of Alexander Borovsky, chairman of the Belneftekhim concern (sentenced to five years in prison, pardoned by Lukashenko a year later, and appointed CEO of MAZ). Thanks to his patrons, Nikolai Vorobey escaped with a light slap on the wrist, but went into hiding for several years, disappearing from the media spotlight.
In 2010, his partner Zeif quietly established AMKO CJSC in St. Petersburg. According to Russian and Belarusian media, at the time, the Kremlin was changing its economic policy toward its eastern ally, and Belarusian companies lost the ability to directly purchase Russian oil. They then began doing so through companies registered in Russia—AMKO, apparently, was one of them.
Sergey Varis, for Skelet.Org
CONTINUED: Nikolai Vorobey: Why did the oil captain of Belarusian corruption dock in Ukraine? PART 2
Subscribe to our channels on Telegram, Facebook , Twitter , VK - Only new faces from the SKLEP section!