NEW OR OLD AT THE FEEDING TROUGH OF NIKOLAEV'S PROSECUTOR'S OFFICE?

The Mykolaiv Oblast Prosecutor's Office has quite the crowd: with such "personnel," it's easy to see that the newly appointed Mykolaiv prosecutors will soon learn about the people's rallies and protests. Just recently, "Prokurorskaya Pravda" was surprised by the personnel appointments of newly appointed Mykolaiv Oblast Prosecutor Volodymyr Komashko, but recently the prosecutor's office has welcomed a new "valuable asset." Former Alushta Prosecutor Artur Shapovalov has been appointed Deputy Prosecutor of Mykolaiv Oblast.

The situation is stable, the Right Sector is not a threat to Crimea

The appointment order was signed on Tuesday, September 23. Previously, Artur Shapovalov served as the prosecutor of Alushta before the well-known events in Crimea related to Russia's annexation of the peninsula. In February of this year, while serving as the resort town's prosecutor, Artur Vladimirovich reported that "the situation in the city is stable" and that Crimea was not threatened by any invasion by the Ukrainian nationalist radical movement "Right Sector."

Shapovalov saw the threat from the wrong side, so he and his fellow prosecutors worked their way up to the complete annexation of the peninsula. But he didn't have long to sit idle—he found a cushy job in Mykolaiv, where he'll now be guarding the Mykolaiv region from the Right Sector.

The question inevitably arises: whose interests is the new deputy regional prosecutor appointed to serve, and what positive experience will this "sincere" Crimean prosecutor bring to the agency's work?

Was Marchenko's resume rejected?

For many, Shapovalov's appointment as deputy prosecutor came as a complete surprise. Rumors had it that Yuriy Marchenko, who had allegedly already "settled everything" with both the regional prosecutor Komashko and the Prosecutor General's Office, had staked out the position, so to speak, was vying for his position.

What prevented him from carrying out his plans is unknown. But the fact remains: Marchenko is a particularly valuable asset, having worked for years in the regional prosecutor's office and been involved in all the high-profile scandals that tarnished his prosecutorial credentials.

Just when he was overseeing law enforcement in the Mykolaiv Prosecutor's Office, a wave of mass protests against the "lawlessness" of Mykolaiv's security forces rocked the country. Until the summer of 2013, Marchenko headed the Department for Supervision of Law Compliance by Agencies Conducting Investigative Operations, Inquiries, and Investigations at the Mykolaiv Regional Prosecutor's Office.

Just remember the "Oksana Makar case"! Despite Marchenko's criminal inaction, more and more circumstances emerged to allow Oksana's rapists and murderers, all members of law enforcement, to get away with it. People staged mass protests, demanding Marchenko stop "protecting these scumbags." But Marchenko remained adamant. Back in March 2012, he declared that the prosecutor's office had no evidence to charge Maksim Prisyazhnyuk and Artem Pogosyan with the rape and attempted murder of Oksana Makar. Marchenko also had the decency to claim they were witnesses in the case, despite the fact that another suspect, Yevgeny Krasnoshchyok, had already been arrested. And only after a public outcry were all three convicted. Why, then, did Marchenko so zealously try to exonerate them? It remains a mystery.

Incidentally, covering up for Marchenko's killers isn't the first time. Consider, for example, the case of Stela Rogova, a resident of the village of Stepovoye in the Mykolaiv region. Her daughter was fatally struck in 2009 by Andrei Sharapatov, former deputy director of the Nika-Tera seaport. The criminal case was closed twice on direct orders from Yuriy Marchenko and never reached trial. Regional police officers themselves said at the time that the "price of the matter" was decided by Prosecutor Makarov, who received Sharapatov "with a suitcase."

Marchenko also made a name for himself during the elections, espousing his principled stance: "I see nothing, I hear nothing." In constituency No. 132 during the Verkhovna Rada elections, when Berkut officers began "conducting their own vote count," confiscating all ballots, thereby violating a dozen laws, Yuriy Marchenko saw nothing amiss, even though he was supposed to be monitoring the legality of their actions. This "lawlessness" could have been observed online from anywhere in the world, but Marchenko saw nothing of the sort.

It remains a mystery how a man with such a murky past found his footing at a new trough under the new regime. If you dig a little deeper, a very realistic picture emerges: Yuriy Marchenko's father, Major General of Police Mykola Marchenko, could have once been friends with Prosecutor General Yarema, who also came from the police ranks. And it's not such a long way from Mykolaiv to Kyiv to hand over his son's resume to the Prosecutor General.

So why did Yura's plans for a cozy office in the regional prosecutor's office fall through? Why didn't he join the ranks of Vladimir Komashko's deputies? Komashko has a new team. All his deputies were appointed in July and August of this year, immediately after the regional prosecutor himself arrived. But that's just the way the cards fell. Artur Vladimirovich Shapovalov, whose inaction (or complicity?) led to the seizure of both Alushta and Crimea from Ukraine, is destined to lead the "parade."

By answering the key question: “Cui prodest” – “Who benefits from such appointments?”, perhaps we will find the truth.

In the meantime, Prosecutor's Truth has just a couple of questions:

— will the Prosecutor General's Office deem it necessary to conduct a comprehensive investigation into the actions

Prosecutor Yuriy Marchenko, who covered up for the rapists in the "Oksana Makar case" in 2012?

— Will the regional prosecutor have the strength and patience to continue to "promote" favored and not at all new prosecutors into the department?

Prosecutor's Truth

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