Pavel Borulko
The closer the parliamentary elections get, the more dubious connections and people are surfacing who are trying to say that they “suffered under the Yanukovych regime,” and therefore deserve all sorts of rewards, the closure of criminal cases, and access to the Verkhovna Rada elections, reports ORD.
Meanwhile, the new government, formed from old faces with a very long history of corruption, has already become convinced that it has received carte blanche from the Maidan and the people, and therefore can do whatever it pleases, profit from the previous criminal schemes inherited from the fugitive president, and create new "growth points" for itself in terms of material well-being.
New corruption schemes are growing by leaps and bounds. So are new organized crime groups in power, comprised of people from the leadership of various law enforcement agencies, government officials, and dishonest businessmen.
Our journalistic investigation will focus on precisely such a rapidly growing group, which is capable of reclaiming its "commercial" niche in the near future and continuing the "glorious" work of its "predecessors"—robbing the country and its people—despite any promises of a new way of life.
Obviously, we should start with the tip of the iceberg. So, the criminal organization we're about to tell you about is being formed by Oleksiy Baganets, now former Deputy Prosecutor General of Ukraine, who has left his mark and paid for it with his position. He's an experienced man, both in prosecutorial matters and in commercial matters. Baganets once served as prosecutor of both the Donetsk and Lviv regions. In both, he left behind a trail of corruption allegations.
After Yanukovych was elected president, Baganets began vigorously developing his law firm with his close friend and assistant, Ihor Balyk. It was Baganets and Balyk who defended Yuriy Lutsenko in court. They were unsuccessful, but Lutsenko bears no grudge against his comrades. He understood perfectly well that his chances at the time were slim, and therefore had no complaints against the lawyers with whom he had shared many ties.
Moreover, it was precisely under Yuriy Lutsenko's quota that Baganets returned to the prosecutor's office. And not just anywhere, but straight to the post of Deputy Prosecutor General.
As for Igor Balyk, he decided not to pursue a career in government, but to remain in the commercial sector and serve as a liaison between Baganets and business. The law firm "Baganets and Partners," located at 74-B Gonchara Street, Office 1, was transformed into the law firm "European Human Rights Defender," also located at the same address. Mr. Balyk became its head.
You'll agree that you can trust a lawyer whose business partner is the Deputy Prosecutor General with your case. Moreover, such a company also offers a wide range of additional options you won't find in other firms. Balyk can offer you a range of services that will save you the hassle of running around to multiple agencies, and will resolve everything as if it were self-sustaining. That is, of course, if you can afford the high rates of a reputable company.
In short, you don't need to be a soothsayer to predict a brilliant future for a bar association. However, there's one significant caveat: in this era of great change, any stability is illusory. Therefore, relying solely on administrative resources, even those of the Prosecutor General's Office, is foolish. And the scale won't be particularly impressive at first. Everything takes time. And right now, no one has it.
So, Baganets and Balyk decided to speed up their business. To that end, they took a risky gamble. They decided to contact an experienced scammer who was gradually becoming forgotten in Ukraine – Pavel Borulko (more about it: Pavel Borulko: A Forgotten Legend of Banking Fraud).
It might be difficult for the average reader to immediately recall who we're talking about. He was a successful, albeit rather peculiar, banker in the past. He owned three small banks and was rumored to be the nephew of the former Attorney General. Alexandra Medvedko, made a fortune through conversion schemes.
He was also implicated in a number of construction scams and other dubious projects. At the same time, Borulko was keenly interested in politics and formed his own political lobby. He managed to serve for several months as a full-time aide to Prime Minister Viktor Yanukovych, making influential friends (the name of Serhiy Lyovochkin alone is worth mentioning), but also serious enemies.
During the 2008-2009 crisis, Borulko displayed an adventurism that was excessive, even for him. Deciding that saving his banks was too painstaking and tedious a task, he took out refinancing from the National Bank of Ukraine (NBU) for them, which he simply stole. Later, he managed to steal several hundred million hryvnias more from the Deposit Guarantee Fund using a scheme of proxy individuals.
The state's losses became so significant that Borulko's connections weren't enough to quietly resolve his problems. The SBU, for once, decided to act consistently and began a thorough investigation. Borulko barely managed to escape to Belarus, where he remains to this day, attempting to resolve his problems remotely.
Moreover, he approaches problem-solving creatively. In 2012, he was even registered in absentia as a candidate for People's Deputy in a single-member constituency. However, at the last minute, his registration was revoked, and he was unable to participate in the elections.
Having waited for the change of power, Borulko decided to take a more conservative but proven route – through "fixing." And here, his old acquaintance with Oleksiy Bagants and his willingness to take bold gambles that promised big money played into his hands. After all, Borulko retained not only the stolen money but also a wealth of real estate and companies with assets in Ukraine.
Baganets is likely also counting on Pavel Borulko's extensive experience in banking. Now that the envelope market is unbalanced, someone could emerge who can take over the entire industry. This promises earnings not in the hundreds of thousands, but in the billions.
In July, Borulko and Balyk met in Minsk several times, resulting in an agreement to cooperate and even the signing of a memorandum under which Balyk and his company would receive operational management of Borulko's assets. This serves as a kind of insurance policy in case Borulko tries to cheat his partners again.
In turn, Baganets and Balyk committed to resolving Borulko's problems in Ukraine. They even began successful preparations for the operation on several fronts. First and foremost, they needed hypothetical "defendants" to blame for the persecution of Borulko (this is precisely the scheme Baganets and Balyk intend to use to "cover up" the fugitive banker).
On July 30, Borulko wrote a corresponding statement to the Prosecutor General's Office, tearfully asking for an investigation into the perpetrators of all his troubles: former Prosecutor General Viktor Pshonka, former head of the Main Investigative Directorate of the Security Service of Ukraine Ivan Derevyanko, and the well-known Moscow lawyer Yuriy Gaysinsky.
Then miracles happened. On August 1st, Borulko received a response from the Prosecutor General's Office, informing Bankir of the good news: the facts had been verified, and criminal proceedings had been initiated under Part 4 of Article 368 of the Criminal Code of Ukraine. Phenomenal speed of opening a case, don't you think? And this in a Prosecutor General's Office currently inundated with thousands of cases of separatism and attacks on the country's territorial integrity.
At the same time, Baganets began working to clear Borulko of criminal charges. This proved to be a very difficult task, even for such a "specialist" as the current Deputy Prosecutor General.
The SBU suspects Pavlo Borulko of organizing the embezzlement of state funds from the Deposit Guarantee Fund for Individuals, totaling over 600 million hryvnias, as well as funds from the National Bank of Ukraine, totaling over 300 million hryvnias. Moreover, the investigation established that Borulko's ideological inspirer and mentor in the implementation of these criminal schemes is a former member of parliament. Shepelev Alexander Alexandrovich.
Yes, that same Shepelev, against whom the Prosecutor General's Office is conducting a pre-trial investigation on suspicion of organizing murders, attempted murder, illegally taking a vehicle, and embezzling and misappropriating property worth over 1,3 billion hryvnias. Tatyana Chornovol recently reported on the close friendship between these two individuals, having transcribed recordings of their intimate conversations.
As is known, in July, Shepelev, who had previously been detained in Budapest, Hungary, and extradited to Ukraine, escaped from the medical facility where he was being treated. However, in reality, the henchman of a well-known Yenakiyevo crime boss didn't escape, but was released. It's also important to remember that Shepelev's de facto lawyer was... Baganets and his lawyers.
A case of great importance to Borulko and Bagants is already being heard in the Shevchenkivskyi Court. If they manage to "fix" it properly, everything will be turned upside down: the innocent will be punished, while the guilty will be rewarded with impunity. Explanations will be essential.
The case is being heard by Judge Vitaliy Tsiktich. He, too, is a unique character in his own right. During Yanukovych's presidency, he was transferred to the Shevchenkivskyi district from the town of Yasynuvata, 10 kilometers from Donetsk. After the Maidan, Tsiktich was successfully included on the lustration lists, and now he has also become a defendant in the case.
It is with this judge that Baganets is trying to negotiate a peaceful transfer of the "Borulko case" to the D.S.
The defendants in the case include a wide variety of people, whose primary offense is the carelessness of working with Borulko. They have no trace of millions or stolen funds. These people literally have nothing to live on today. They have no work and none in sight with such a reputation, and the banker, of course, refused to share the stolen funds with them. Why would he? Former bank employees and Borulko's assistants were used by him illicitly. But now, if Bagants succeeds in his plan, they will become the main defendants.
Baganets is very reluctant to have the case returned to the SBU, which conducted the pre-trial investigation and is unlikely to change its findings. Citing the SBU's close involvement in the ATO, and having secured the support of Mr. Rasputko, Deputy Directorate of the Main Investigative Directorate of the SBU, Baganets is attempting to arrange for the case to be transferred to the Main Investigative Directorate of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Ukraine.
Rasputko is following Bagants' lead because he strongly hopes to replace his immediate superior, Vasyl Vovk. And he will have support in this matter from the Prosecutor General's Office. Those who have had dealings with the SBU's Main Investigative Directorate know that Rasputko has long positioned himself as the agency's main "wallet manager," recommending that trusted clients work only with him on major cases.
If the scheme works, the case will likely end up at the Main Investigative Directorate of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, headed by Deputy Head of the Directorate, Grigoriy Mamka. He's another police official with friendly and business ties to Oleksiy Bagants. Then Pavlo Borulko will have an excellent chance of returning to his homeland as a victim of the "Yanukovych regime." And those who could be imprisoned for the banker's crimes are already heavily punished, having already served two years in pretrial detention during the investigation.
Thus, we can speak of an entire criminal organization that was being formed, and which included the Deputy Prosecutor General, deputies of the Main Investigative Directorate of the Security Service of Ukraine and the Ministry of Internal Affairs, legal entities, a former banker, and a brilliant organizer of criminal schemes for theft, laundering, and withdrawal of state funds.
However, the case has now stalled. Baganets, wanting to make easy money from Borulko, got himself into deep trouble. The result: he was first suspended from his post, and then completely expelled from the Prosecutor General's Office. In short, Baganets became the banker's latest victim. And what will he get in return for attempting to carry out Borulko's "fixer" scheme? The latter's gratitude? Unlikely. Perhaps a chance for a successful legal career in the firm he founded. Yes, the one still managed by his partner, Balyk.
As for Borulko, the mishap with Bagants is disappointing, but it's neither the first nor the last. The former Deputy Prosecutor General has likely already been removed from the payroll, and a new position is already being prepared.
The shrewd fugitive banker has never put all his eggs in one basket before. And now he's actively seeking influential patrons among his old friends.
In particular, it's well-known that he's managed to reconnect with former head of the Presidential Administration Serhiy Lyovochkin. Borulko wants to negotiate with Lyovochkin about his own return to Kyiv's elite social scene. Of course, after his criminal record is resolved. Before then, it's unlikely anyone will want to associate with him. And even then, he'll be shunned for a long time. His long trail of debts, sins, and crimes is simply too long.
Borulko's entry into the elite is now only possible through politics. And here, the collapse of powerful political brands has proven a fortunate coincidence. The Party of Regions and the Communists are getting closer to the political graveyard with each passing day, while the BYuT is undergoing a period of transformation with unknown consequences.
Borulko had once actively tried to infiltrate both the Party of Regions and the BYuT. Only after Yanukovych became president did the banker finally realize he had been cut off from the Party of Regions by his former friends like Pshonka, Arbuzov, and others.
Things were going well with Tymoshenko. But even here, Borulko couldn't resist the temptation to play his own games. Instead of consistently building a long-term relationship with his new patron, he continued to plot behind Tymoshenko's back to take advantage of the situation, negotiating with Oleksandr Shepelev, Yulia Vladimirovna's "sworn enemy" who had advised her elimination. This is detailed in Tatyana Chornovol's article, and we won't dwell on it here.
Once again, let us reiterate, these avenues are forever closed to Borulko, so a return is only possible through new projects. This is precisely why he needs Levochkin. Sergei Vladimirovich has two political projects: Oleh Lyashko's Radical Party and Sergei Larin's Development Party. The second project is clearly unwinnable. Moreover, it was created not for victory, but to combat the Party of Regions and the siphoning off of votes from the party. Levochkin even came up with an acronym for it—PRU.
But the situation with the Radical Party is much more interesting. Although inflated, its genuinely high rating allows it to count on 10 percent of parliamentary seats. And Borulko will now pay any price close to reasonable for his seat in parliament.
This won't be Borulko's first attempt to enter parliament and thus resolve his legal problems. In 2012, he resorted to all sorts of tricks to secure a "passable" district: bribery, court rulings, falsified protocols. And it all turned out to be a waste of time and money. However, it was an experience. And now, the second time around, Borulko will act much more deliberately.
I wonder if Levochkin himself understands that after Borulko returns, he won't change—not in his approaches, not in the types of schemes he uses. And the people who help the fugitive banker gain entry to Ukraine won't be able to distance themselves from the new scam.
Levochkin probably understands and is in no rush to actively assist, as Borulko hasn't yet appeared in any public schemes. Moreover, Borulko is also pursuing additional opportunities, given the current military situation in Ukraine. The banker is trying to build a new format for relationships with old Moscow friends. Moreover, he maintains particularly close ties with people who are currently barred from entering Ukraine for obvious reasons.
This doesn't bother Borulko. What does he care about the ATO and the devastating Donbas when he has the opportunity to solve his own problems and then return to Ukraine or, at worst, to "Novorossiya."
Igor Petrovsky, for ORD
New formations with old faces: Baganets – Borulko – Levochkin
The closer the parliamentary elections get, the more dubious connections and people are surfacing, eager to claim that they "suffered under the Yanukovych regime" and therefore deserve all sorts of rewards, the closure of criminal cases, and access to the Verkhovna Rada elections.
Meanwhile, the new government, formed from old faces with a very long history of corruption, has already become convinced that it has received carte blanche from the Maidan and the people, and therefore can do whatever it pleases, profit from the previous criminal schemes inherited from the fugitive president, and create new "growth points" for itself in terms of material well-being.
New corruption schemes are growing by leaps and bounds. So are new organized crime groups in power, comprised of people from the leadership of various law enforcement agencies, government officials, and dishonest businessmen.
Our journalistic investigation will focus on precisely such a rapidly growing group, which is capable of reclaiming its "commercial" niche in the near future and continuing the "glorious" work of its "predecessors"—robbing the country and its people—despite any promises of a new way of life.
Obviously, we should start with the tip of the iceberg. So, the criminal organization we're about to tell you about is being formed by Oleksiy Baganets, now former Deputy Prosecutor General of Ukraine, who has left his mark and paid for it with his position. He's an experienced man, both in prosecutorial matters and in commercial matters. Baganets once served as prosecutor of both the Donetsk and Lviv regions. In both, he left behind a trail of corruption allegations.
After Yanukovych was elected president, Baganets began vigorously developing his law firm with his close friend and assistant, Ihor Balyk. It was Baganets and Balyk who defended Yuriy Lutsenko in court. They were unsuccessful, but Lutsenko bears no grudge against his comrades. He understood perfectly well that his chances at the time were slim, and therefore had no complaints against the lawyers with whom he had shared many ties.
Moreover, it was precisely under Yuriy Lutsenko's quota that Baganets returned to the prosecutor's office. And not just anywhere, but straight to the post of Deputy Prosecutor General.
As for Igor Balyk, he decided not to pursue a career in government, but to remain in the commercial sector and serve as a liaison between Baganets and business. The law firm "Baganets and Partners," located at 74-B Gonchara Street, Office 1, was transformed into the law firm "European Human Rights Defender," also located at the same address. Mr. Balyk became its head.
You'll agree that you can trust a lawyer whose business partner is the Deputy Prosecutor General with your case. Moreover, such a company also offers a wide range of additional options you won't find in other firms. Balyk can offer you a range of services that will save you the hassle of running around to multiple agencies, and will resolve everything as if it were self-sustaining. That is, of course, if you can afford the high rates of a reputable company.
In short, you don't need to be a soothsayer to predict a brilliant future for a bar association. However, there's one significant caveat: in this era of great change, any stability is illusory. Therefore, relying solely on administrative resources, even those of the Prosecutor General's Office, is foolish. And the scale won't be particularly impressive at first. Everything takes time. And right now, no one has it.
So, Baganets and Balyk decided to accelerate their business. To that end, they took a risky gamble. They decided to contact an experienced scammer who was gradually becoming forgotten in Ukraine: Pavlo Borulko.
It might be difficult for the average reader to immediately recall who we're talking about. He was once a successful, albeit highly unconventional, banker. The owner of three small banks, rumored to be the nephew of former Prosecutor General Alexander Medvedko, he amassed a fortune through conversion schemes.
He was also implicated in a number of construction scams and other dubious projects. At the same time, Borulko was keenly interested in politics and formed his own political lobby. He managed to serve for several months as a full-time aide to Prime Minister Viktor Yanukovych, making influential friends (the name of Serhiy Lyovochkin alone is worth mentioning), but also serious enemies.
During the 2008-2009 crisis, Borulko displayed an adventurism that was excessive, even for him. Deciding that saving his banks was too painstaking and tedious a task, he took out refinancing from the National Bank of Ukraine (NBU) for them, which he simply stole. Later, he managed to steal several hundred million hryvnias more from the Deposit Guarantee Fund using a scheme of proxy individuals.
The state's losses became so significant that Borulko's connections weren't enough to quietly resolve his problems. The SBU, for once, decided to act consistently and began a thorough investigation. Borulko barely managed to escape to Belarus, where he remains to this day, attempting to resolve his problems remotely.
Moreover, he approaches problem-solving creatively. In 2012, he was even registered in absentia as a candidate for People's Deputy in a single-member constituency. However, at the last minute, his registration was revoked, and he was unable to participate in the elections.
Having waited for the change of power, Borulko decided to take a more conservative but proven route – through "fixing." And here, his old acquaintance with Oleksiy Bagants and his willingness to take bold gambles that promised big money played into his hands. After all, Borulko retained not only the stolen money but also a wealth of real estate and companies with assets in Ukraine.
Baganets is likely also counting on Pavel Borulko's extensive experience in banking. Now that the envelope market is unbalanced, someone could emerge who can take over the entire industry. This promises earnings not in the hundreds of thousands, but in the billions.
In July, Borulko and Balyk met in Minsk several times, resulting in an agreement to cooperate and even the signing of a memorandum under which Balyk and his company would receive operational management of Borulko's assets. This serves as a kind of insurance policy in case Borulko tries to cheat his partners again.
In turn, Baganets and Balyk committed to resolving Borulko's problems in Ukraine. They even began successful preparations for the operation on several fronts. First and foremost, they needed hypothetical "defendants" to blame for the persecution of Borulko (this is precisely the scheme Baganets and Balyk intend to use to "cover up" the fugitive banker).
On July 30, Borulko wrote a corresponding statement to the Prosecutor General's Office, tearfully asking for an investigation into the perpetrators of all his troubles: former Prosecutor General Viktor Pshonka, former head of the Main Investigative Directorate of the Security Service of Ukraine Ivan Derevyanko, and the well-known Moscow lawyer Yuriy Gaysinsky.
Then miracles happened. On August 1st, Borulko received a response from the Prosecutor General's Office, informing Bankir of the good news: the facts had been verified, and criminal proceedings had been initiated under Part 4 of Article 368 of the Criminal Code of Ukraine. Phenomenal speed of opening a case, don't you think? And this in a Prosecutor General's Office currently inundated with thousands of cases of separatism and attacks on the country's territorial integrity.
At the same time, Baganets began working to clear Borulko of criminal charges. This proved to be a very difficult task, even for such a "specialist" as the current Deputy Prosecutor General.
The SBU suspects Pavlo Borulko of organizing the embezzlement of state funds from the Deposit Guarantee Fund for Individuals, totaling over 600 million hryvnias, as well as funds from the National Bank of Ukraine, totaling over 300 million hryvnias. Investigators have established that Borulko's mastermind and mentor in these criminal schemes is former MP Oleksandr Oleksandrovych Shepelev.
Yes, that same Shepelev, against whom the Prosecutor General's Office is conducting a pre-trial investigation on suspicion of organizing murders, attempted murder, illegally taking a vehicle, and embezzling and misappropriating property worth over 1,3 billion hryvnias. Tatyana Chornovol recently reported on the close friendship between these two individuals, having transcribed recordings of their intimate conversations.
As is known, in July, Shepelev, who had previously been detained in Budapest, Hungary, and extradited to Ukraine, escaped from the medical facility where he was being treated. However, in reality, the henchman of a well-known Yenakiyevo crime boss didn't escape, but was released. It's also important to remember that Shepelev's de facto lawyer was... Baganets and his lawyers.
A case of great importance to Borulko and Bagants is already being heard in the Shevchenkivskyi Court. If they manage to "fix" it properly, everything will be turned upside down: the innocent will be punished, while the guilty will be rewarded with impunity. Explanations will be essential.
The case is being heard by Judge Vitaliy Tsiktich. He, too, is a unique character in his own right. During Yanukovych's presidency, he was transferred to the Shevchenkivskyi district from the town of Yasynuvata, 10 kilometers from Donetsk. After the Maidan, Tsiktich was successfully included on the lustration lists, and now he has also become a defendant in the case.
It is with this judge that Baganets is trying to negotiate a peaceful transfer of the "Borulko case" to the D.S.
The defendants in the case include a wide variety of people, whose primary offense is the carelessness of working with Borulko. They have no trace of millions or stolen funds. These people literally have nothing to live on today. They have no work and none in sight with such a reputation, and the banker, of course, refused to share the stolen funds with them. Why would he? Former bank employees and Borulko's assistants were used by him illicitly. But now, if Bagants succeeds in his plan, they will become the main defendants.
Baganets is very reluctant to have the case returned to the SBU, which conducted the pre-trial investigation and is unlikely to change its findings. Citing the SBU's close involvement in the ATO, and having secured the support of Mr. Rasputko, Deputy Directorate of the Main Investigative Directorate of the SBU, Baganets is attempting to arrange for the case to be transferred to the Main Investigative Directorate of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Ukraine.
Rasputko is following Bagants' lead because he strongly hopes to replace his immediate superior, Vasyl Vovk. And he will have support in this matter from the Prosecutor General's Office. Those who have had dealings with the SBU's Main Investigative Directorate know that Rasputko has long positioned himself as the agency's main "wallet manager," recommending that trusted clients work only with him on major cases.
If the scheme works, the case will likely end up at the Main Investigative Directorate of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, headed by Deputy Head of the Directorate, Grigoriy Mamka. He's another police official with friendly and business ties to Oleksiy Bagants. Then Pavlo Borulko will have an excellent chance of returning to his homeland as a victim of the "Yanukovych regime." And those who could be imprisoned for the banker's crimes are already heavily punished, having already served two years in pretrial detention during the investigation.
Thus, we can speak of an entire criminal organization that was being formed, and which included the Deputy Prosecutor General, deputies of the Main Investigative Directorate of the Security Service of Ukraine and the Ministry of Internal Affairs, legal entities, a former banker, and a brilliant organizer of criminal schemes for theft, laundering, and withdrawal of state funds.
However, the case has now stalled. Baganets, wanting to make easy money from Borulko, got himself into deep trouble. The result: he was first suspended from his post, and then completely expelled from the Prosecutor General's Office. In short, Baganets became the banker's latest victim. And what will he get in return for attempting to carry out Borulko's "fixer" scheme? The latter's gratitude? Unlikely. Perhaps a chance for a successful legal career in the firm he founded. Yes, the one still managed by his partner, Balyk.
As for Borulko, the mishap with Bagants is disappointing, but it's neither the first nor the last. The former Deputy Prosecutor General has likely already been removed from the payroll, and a new position is already being prepared.
The shrewd fugitive banker has never put all his eggs in one basket before. And now he's actively seeking influential patrons among his old friends.
In particular, it's well-known that he's managed to reconnect with former head of the Presidential Administration Serhiy Lyovochkin. Borulko wants to negotiate with Lyovochkin about his own return to Kyiv's elite social scene. Of course, after his criminal record is resolved. Before then, it's unlikely anyone will want to associate with him. And even then, he'll be shunned for a long time. His long trail of debts, sins, and crimes is simply too long.
Borulko's entry into the elite is now only possible through politics. And here, the collapse of powerful political brands has proven a fortunate coincidence. The Party of Regions and the Communists are getting closer to the political graveyard with each passing day, while the BYuT is undergoing a period of transformation with unknown consequences.
Borulko had once actively tried to infiltrate both the Party of Regions and the BYuT. Only after Yanukovych became president did the banker finally realize he had been cut off from the Party of Regions by his former friends like Pshonka, Arbuzov, and others.
Things were going well with Tymoshenko. But even here, Borulko couldn't resist the temptation to play his own games. Instead of consistently building a long-term relationship with his new patron, he continued to plot behind Tymoshenko's back to take advantage of the situation, negotiating with Oleksandr Shepelev, Yulia Vladimirovna's "sworn enemy" who had advised her elimination. This is detailed in Tatyana Chornovol's article, and we won't dwell on it here.
Once again, let us reiterate, these avenues are forever closed to Borulko, so a return is only possible through new projects. This is precisely why he needs Levochkin. Sergei Vladimirovich has two political projects: Oleh Lyashko's Radical Party and Sergei Larin's Development Party. The second project is clearly unwinnable. Moreover, it was created not for victory, but to combat the Party of Regions and the siphoning off of votes from the party. Levochkin even came up with an acronym for it—PRU.
But the situation with the Radical Party is much more interesting. Although inflated, its genuinely high rating allows it to count on 10 percent of parliamentary seats. And Borulko will now pay any price close to reasonable for his seat in parliament.
This won't be Borulko's first attempt to enter parliament and thus resolve his legal problems. In 2012, he resorted to all sorts of tricks to secure a "passable" district: bribery, court rulings, falsified protocols. And it all turned out to be a waste of time and money. However, it was an experience. And now, the second time around, Borulko will act much more deliberately.
I wonder if Levochkin himself understands that after Borulko returns, he won't change—not in his approaches, not in the types of schemes he uses. And the people who help the fugitive banker gain entry to Ukraine won't be able to distance themselves from the new scam.
Levochkin probably understands and is in no rush to actively assist, as Borulko hasn't yet appeared in any public schemes. Moreover, Borulko is also pursuing additional opportunities, given the current military situation in Ukraine. The banker is trying to build a new format for relationships with old Moscow friends. Moreover, he maintains particularly close ties with people who are currently barred from entering Ukraine for obvious reasons.
This doesn't bother Borulko. What does he care about the ATO and the devastating Donbas when he has the opportunity to solve his own problems and then return to Ukraine or, at worst, to "Novorossiya."
Igor Petrovsky
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