Pavel Rozenko. The Story of the Minister of Subsidies and Pensions
Pavlo Rozenko's tenure as Minister of Social Policy was marked by three things: under his leadership, a third of the country was unable to pay its utility bills and was mired in the morass of proposed subsidies; he infringed on the social security rights of displaced persons and pensioners; and he profited from prosthetics for ATO soldiers.
Rozenko became Ukraine's Minister of Social Policy in 2014 during the premiership of the kamikaze reformer Arseniy Yatsenyuk. In 2016, after the Cabinet's resignation, he managed to stay afloat and became Deputy Prime Minister for Social Affairs in Volodymyr Groysman's government . The social sector is one of the most problematic and corrupt in Ukrainian politics. However, Rozenko initially had no intention of eradicating this "evil" but instead successfully exploited the situation. Here's how he came to power and what the minister is hiding from the Maidan.
Pavel Rozenko. A student's life is good!
Pavel Valerievich Rozenko was born in 1970 in Kyiv to an ordinary Soviet family. His mother, Valentina Vasilievna, headed a department at the State Television and Radio Broadcasting Company of Ukraine. His grandfather, Petro Akimovich Rozenko, incidentally, a native of Horlivka, served as Chairman of the State Planning Committee of the Ukrainian SSR and Deputy Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the Ukrainian SSR. The grandson of a high-ranking official of the time, naturally attended Kyiv's most fashionable school, Secondary School No. 135.
In 1987, he enrolled in the electroacoustics department of Kyiv Polytechnic Institute (KPI). Now a prestigious university in the capital, it was, under the Soviet Union, a gathering place for C-grade students and lazy kids whose parents were desperate to find a place to study. Despite this, Pavlo Rozenko became active in social and political activities at the institute. He founded the Ukrainian Student Union (USU), the first independent student organization in the country. He was soon offered the position of head of the Kyiv city branch of the USU. For a student, this was a high-ranking position, opening many doors, including political ones.
In 1989, Rozenko joined the ranks of the People's Movement of Ukraine, and later the Young Movement.
In the fall of 1990, Pavlo Rozenko, along with other students, took to the square to participate in the "Revolution on Granite." This student hunger strike became one of the largest protests in the former Soviet Union. It is considered the basis for Ukraine's declaration of independence in 1991. We can say that this enterprising student played a role in the emergence of an independent state.
After receiving his diploma from the Polytechnic in 1993, Pavel Rozenko continued his postgraduate studies at the Institute of International Relations of the Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv and simultaneously found a job at the National Television Company of Ukraine, where he worked for a year as an engineer at the main technical center.
Everyday life in the civil service
Pavel Rozenko has been in government service since 1994, at the age of 24. Incidentally, he has quite a long track record. Based on this, we can conclude that Pavel Valerievich has worked with many officials.
Until 1996, Rozenko was a consultant for the Pechersk District Council of People's Deputies of Kyiv. He then worked for four years in the Secretariat of the Verkhovna Rada as an assistant consultant to a member of parliament. While serving in this capacity, he ran for the People's Movement of Ukraine (No. 53 on the electoral list) in the 1998 parliamentary elections, but ultimately failed to gain a seat in the Verkhovna Rada. In 2000, he became an advisor to Minister of Ecology Ivan Zayets in the government of Viktor Yushchenko, and a year later, he became the head of the department for supporting the work of the Minister of Ecology and Natural Resources of Ukraine. After Zayets' resignation in 2002, Pavlo Valeriyovych returned to the Verkhovna Rada as an assistant consultant to a member of parliament.
In 2005, Pavlo Rozenko was appointed First Deputy Minister of Labor and Social Policy of Ukraine, following Vyacheslav Kyrylenko in Yulia Tymoshenko's Cabinet of Ministers. Incidentally, Pavlo Rozenko would serve alongside Kyrylenko in the Yatsenyuk government. A year later, Kyrylenko left his post, and Rozenko changed jobs, becoming Deputy Head of the Main Service for Social and Economic Development and Head of the Social Policy Department in the Secretariat of President Viktor Yushchenko. Less than three years later, the social sphere once again called Pavlo Rozenko to Tymoshenko's second Cabinet. He returned to the post of Deputy Minister of Social Policy, but this time under Lyudmila Denisova . At this time, Rozenko was tipped to become Minister of Social Policy: Denisova was expected to make him her successor. However, the relationship between the officials, to put it mildly, did not work out. In March 2010, Rozenko was dismissed from this position due to the formation of a new government. The Party of Regions has carefully blocked Pavel Valerievich's "jumping" between positions.
After his dismissal, the former civil servant went freelance – he works as an independent expert on social, economic, and budgetary policy. In 2011, Rozenko took a job as a leading expert on social programs at the Razumkov Center, a body funded by the US government through the Agency for International Development.
In 2012, Pavlo Rozenko joined Vitali Klitschko's UDAR political force and won a seat in parliament as the 10th person on the party list. In the Verkhovna Rada, he was appointed deputy chairman of the Committee on Social Policy and Labor. Rozenko was the most active member of the party during this period, and was subsequently appointed its main spokesman.
UDAR party, Rozenko in the center
Pavlo Rozenko, like all the UDAR members, actively supported Euromaidan. It was no news when he was offered the post of Minister of Social Policy. However, the politician surprised everyone by turning it down. The ministry was headed by his former boss, Lyudmila Denisova. In the fall of 2014, Pavlo Rozenko, a UDAR member, was lured away by the Petro Poroshenko Bloc. On December 2, 2014, he was elected to the Rada as a minister in Arseniy Yatsenyuk's government. Incidentally, Petro Poroshenko, who was expected to honor the UDAR party, insisted on the appointment.
Pavel Rozenko and his Antisocial Ministry
As soon as Rozenko arrived at the ministry, he immediately began purging its personnel. After the Maidan, the public perceived this as the much-hyped "saving" lustration. Meanwhile, dismissed officials began talking about creating a corrupt contract within the ministry. Few responded, however, as these statements suggested the officials were unwilling to lose their place at the trough. In reality, Pavel Valerievich surrounded himself with cronies who began to increase the wealth of the newly appointed official and those who had lobbied for his appointment. Kickbacks, familiarity, and corrupt schemes returned to the social sector. Let's take things one step at a time.
Rozenko took new-old faces into his team: these officials turned out to be new to the Ukrainians, but for Pavel Valerievich himself they were old comrades and even godfathers.
Pavel Rozenko's corrupt contract
Friends and prosthetics
Vasyl Shevchenko, who served as the CEO of Ukrprotez during Rozenko's tenure as First Deputy Minister of Social Policy (2005-2006), has been appointed First Deputy Minister of Social Policy. Yuriy Laguta, the former Deputy CEO of Ukrprotez, has been appointed Head of the Personnel Department. Both officials were implicated in corrupt tender schemes, but managed to buy off the Prosecutor General's Office during those years and remain in their positions. The trio of politicians pulled off a brilliant scam, ostensibly to "reform" the prosthetics sector. As a reminder, Rozenko's first decision in his new position was to reverse the reforms to prosthetics introduced by his predecessor, Lyudmyla Denisova. Her plan called for the merger of four companies in this field to save budget funds, but the new minister deemed the savings unwarranted and reopened them. This allowed for the return of old methods of enrichment through tender procedures: the involvement of a huge number of entities in tenders for the provision of prosthetics.
And there was plenty to divide: the 2015 state budget allocated 1 billion hryvnias just for those affected by military action.
Information about the scams began to surface as early as the spring of 2015. Alexey Krasnoshchyokov, chairman of the expert group on prosthetics at the public council of the Social Protection Fund for the Disabled, published the findings of the State Regulatory Service, which had conducted an investigation and uncovered numerous inaccuracies and violations in the distribution of budget funds for prosthetics for ATO veterans abroad. It turned out that only two companies—Otto Bock and CorporaS.url—were providing such services. Moreover, these companies, in particular CorporaS.url, inflated their prices by 20,7%. Thus, prosthetic prices were inflated by 760,000 hryvnias. Clearly, Otto Bock and CorporaS.url were shell companies. They were the only ones participating in tenders and winning them, siphoning off state funds. The monopolies were given a 50/50 split of existing orders, and they adjusted the price to the required level. The cost of a single artificial limb could reach up to 2 million hryvnias. The ministry's main argument in defense of foreign companies was their product certification. However, this document, or rather, this "worthless document," also has a history. The certification was specifically developed for the company and simply issued to ensure its continued presence in the market.
It's also worth mentioning the Ukrainian private companies involved in prosthetics. They report to members of the UDAR political party, and the Ministry of Social Affairs and Pavlo Rozenko ensure their smooth operation. Since 2006, Oleksiy Davydenko, a UDAR member, has been the director of Mir Reabilitatsii LLC, which specializes in the production of rehabilitation equipment for the disabled and pensioners. He has established business ties with Dispomed, a company owned by Tatyana Bakhteyeva that sells medical equipment for the disabled . These two companies supply Ukrprotez with all the necessary materials for prosthetics, receiving millions in kickbacks. Another Ukrainian company involved in the corruption scheme is Acmea. It sells prosthetic and orthopedic products, collaborating with Rozenko through the same Ukrprotez. Acmea is officially owned by Ruslan Anatolyevich Malyshev.
All these companies are "sitting on public funds" and producing low-quality products. Their main purpose is to cover up fraudulent schemes embezzling budget funds.
Cabinet Resolution No. 518, which established a closed "prosthetists' club," provided ministers and their back-up firms with jobs. Shevchenko chaired the club's commission.
Rozenko actively pushed for Shevchenko to become Minister for the Occupied Territories and IDPs. The logic was clear: billions would soon be allocated for the restoration of Donbas, and "their own" man was at the helm. But the appointment went to Vadym Chernysh.
Another Klondike of cash reserves, as Skelet.Org has learned —
Rehabilitation of those returning from the ATO
In 2015, 50 million hryvnias were allocated for psychological assistance to the State Service of Ukraine for War Veterans and ATO Participants, which reported directly to Shevchenko. Funds for spa treatment were quickly siphoned off. A 7,7 million hryvnia contract was awarded to the Geneva Sanatorium (Truskavets), nominally owned by the Virgin Islands offshore company Bretherton Limited, but in reality by Andriy Lopushansky, a BPP MP. The soldiers were subjected to appalling conditions: no heating or hot water, leaky windows, and complete unsanitary conditions.
Geneva sanatorium
The State Service also sent ATO veterans for rehabilitation to Feofania LLC, which was promoted by BPP member Serhiy Berezenko . The State Service allocated 5050 hryvnias per soldier for 14 days.
Pavel Rozenko: “For Klimenko”!
The next appointment is another Deputy Minister of Social Policy, Valeriy Yaroshenko. He also previously worked under Rozenko's patronage, heading the State Employment Center. Moreover, Yaroshenko is Pavel Valerievich's godfather.
In 2015, Yaroshenko was embroiled in a scandal that rocked Ukraine. The new and honest Maidan ministry attempted to rehabilitate the former head of the Ministry of Revenue and Duties of Ukraine, who was wanted by the Ukrainian people. Alexandra KlimenkoValeriy Yaroshenko participated in a roundtable discussion organized by the "Donbas Reconstruction" initiative, led by Klimenko.
A bribe of 622 thousand hryvnias
Another appointment is Yaroslav Kashuba, head of the State Employment Center. He was pushed for the position by Valeriy Yaroshenko.
Before this, Kashuba was the head of the Lviv representative office of the State Enterprise, and at the same time, he protected the gambling business.
Without being officially appointed head of the City Center, Kashuba began to purge regional structures that refused to work on his terms. He stopped all treasury payments for the centers' operational needs, forcing the heads of regional City Centers to revise the terms of existing tenders and work with shell companies that won the tenders.
Yaroslav Kashuba was caught scamming telecommunications services tenders. Two tenders were held: the first involved a procurement amount exceeding 13 million hryvnias, the second, 2 million hryvnias. The larger contract went to the Ukrainian-German firm Infocom. Infocom has been operating since 2001 and provides communications services to many Ukrainian government agencies. It was from Infocom that Kashuba received a 622 hryvnia kickback. He was ratted out by an employee of the agency, who reported to the Prosecutor General's Office that his boss was demanding a bribe. The Ministry of Social Policy simply decided to "sacrifice" Yaroslav Kashuba and carry out a "show punishment." The operation to detain the official was directly overseen by SBU Director Vasyl Hrytsak. In reality, a 622 hryvnia bribe, considering the scale of the country and the theft within it, is simply laughable.
After Kashuba's arrest, Rozenko made another showpiece – he fired the entire employment service staff in the capital and regions. Some 14 mid-level workers were left without jobs. Then Pavel Valerievich decided to transform the employment service into a state agency. The bill was rejected by lawmakers.
Rozenko with his fly unzipped
Pavel Rozenko and Tender for Akhmetov
Rozenko also reorganized the Pension Fund. Oleksiy Zarudny became the new director. The head of the Fund decided to publish a weekly newsletter. He followed all the legal procedures to achieve this goal: he held a tender and selected a winner. Rinat Akhmetov's company won a major contract. The tender amounted to over 10 million hryvnias. A second company also participated in the bidding, offering its services for 1,4 million hryvnias. However, it was withdrawn from the auction due to technical inaccuracies.
Having taken control of the Pension Fund, Pavlo Valerievich launched pension reform. Prior to this, he declared the Pension Fund of Ukraine bankrupt and owed pensioners approximately UAH 80 billion. The minister then proposed approving a funded pension system effective January 1, 2017. This innovation is expected to allow pensions to be paid from three different sources: the pay-as-you-go system, the funded system, and the non-state pension insurance system.
Today, this pension reform is seen as having more downsides. This is evidenced by a survey conducted Skelet.Org among analysts. The new head of the ministry Andrey Reva He believes that the Pension Fund needs to be saved by expanding the tax base for the Unified Social Contribution and fixing the minimum amount for the Unified Social Contribution. Furthermore, the country currently lacks the conditions for funded pension insurance: at current inflation rates, Ukrainians' savings will quickly depreciate, making it simply impossible to save for a decent retirement.
Friends of the "criminal"
It's worth noting that Rozenko's "cleanup" of the ministry was selective. Many "brilliant purchasers" from the "criminal government" team found sanctuary in the post-Maidan Ministry of Social Affairs and found common ground with Pavlo Valerievich. A striking example is the former director of the Department of Social Protection for Chernobyl Disaster Victims, Sergei Podorozhny. An official close to Natalia Korolevska , when she held the position of Minister of Social Policy, traveled to the regions and offered governors travel packages for Chernobyl victims. Kickbacks, which increased from 30% to 40%, went into the pockets of Oleksandr Kot, chief specialist in the internal audit sector of the State Service for War Veterans and ATO Participants (acting head of the tender committee under Korolevska). At the end of 2015, he was implicated in a criminal case involving the embezzlement of 24 million hryvnias by officials from the Ministry of Social Policy, and in 2016, he was arrested on suspicion of fraud. According to rough estimates, the fraudsters managed to earn around 10 million hryvnias in one year. Another "old-timer" in the ministry is Natalia Zinkevich, deputy head of the State Employment Service. She worked with Korolevska and Denisova. In 2016, she was caught scamming the procurement of services to support the Unified Information and Analytical System. The funds were transferred to a firm associated with the Opposition Bloc. The total amount of the scam was $122 million.
Conclusion
And now, a few figures that clearly demonstrate the work of the anti-social ministry under the leadership of Pavel Rozenko:
Pavel Rozenko. The Story of the Minister of Subsidies and Pensions
- At the beginning of 2016, according to the Ministry of Social Policy, only 37 soldiers needed prosthetics abroad, and 48 needed limb regeneration. According to the State Service of Ukraine for ATO Participants, 418 soldiers were registered in the database at that time. This diversification is intended to save 56 million hryvnias;
- The ministry had previously advocated for housing for those who had participated in the ATO and lost their lower limbs. Ultimately, the agency decided there were only 39 such people in the country. Funding was reduced from 63,9 million hryvnias to 29,8 million.
So where should the money have been redirected after such savings? It's simple – to the ministry's needs. For example, the department wanted to purchase 9 million hryvnias worth of computer equipment: 400 system units at 8,5 hryvnias each and the same number of monitors at 4,5 hryvnias each. Incidentally, Pavlo Rozenko is a big fan of computer games.
Pavel Rozenko and the “subsidy” scam
In the spring of 2015, after signing the Enhanced Cooperation Agreement with the IMF, the Cabinet of Ministers committed to gradually reducing Naftogaz's deficit and phasing out state support for the monopoly by 2017. The demand was to increase utility rates for the population. For most Ukrainians, prices were becoming unaffordable. Increasing utility prices after mass protests was dangerous. Rozenko and his department decided on a brilliant plan: a subsidy program for the population.
To convince the public of the honesty of the announced subsidy program, Pavel Rozenko announced his intention to apply for a housing and utilities subsidy due to low wages.
"I'm a candidate for a subsidy today... If I'm eligible for a subsidy after the calculations, I'll definitely take advantage of that right."
The minister revealed the secret of his salary: it was only 6 hryvnias per month, and after taxes, 4,5 hryvnias. The official spent 1,5 hryvnias on utilities.
In 2015, 18 billion hryvnias were spent on subsidies. For 2016, Pavlo Valerievich demanded 43 billion, but received 35 billion. Arseniy Yatsenyuk called the program effective. And he's not far from the truth: almost one in three families applied for state assistance. However, the program has loopholes that allow Rozenko to rake in the cash.
The most significant flaw is that the standards used to calculate subsidy amounts are twice the amounts used for actual payments for services. Since subsidies are non-refundable, any "excess" payments are not returned to the budget. Another source of the problem is the advance payment of subsidies. This means that a person consumes 500 hryvnias worth of gas, receives an 800 hryvnia subsidy, and the remaining 300 hryvnias are left hanging. Because of this, utility providers have no cash, but their virtual bill grows. Incidentally, suppliers refer to the subsidy money as "virtual wrappers." Another aspect is that the ultimate recipient of the gas payments is Naftogaz. It's impossible to determine how much the state transfers to it, since there essentially isn't any. Thus, money is "washed out" of the budget. And the ministry covers up the shadow gas market by funding Naftogaz.
In March 2016, the Ministry of Finance announced the initial results of its social payment verification. It revealed that approximately UAH 60 billion of the budget may be going toward illegal social payments. The agency raised the most questions regarding the subsidies issued. It was discovered that households consumed UAH 18 billion worth of gas, while UAH 27 billion worth of subsidies were issued.
In 2017, Pavel Rozenko plans to introduce a monetized subsidy system, meaning the money will be channeled not to businesses but to citizens, who will, in turn, pay utility providers. Special bank accounts will be opened for utility payments. It remains to be seen who will own them and who will reap the rewards.
"Dead Souls"
In the spring of 2016, Pavlo Rozenko "completely by accident" discovered 400-900 "fake" displaced persons in his own lists. This occurred on the eve of the transfer of the IDP database to the Ministry of Finance for verification of social payments. As a reminder, the Minister of Social Policy repeatedly stated that the total amount of all social payments to displaced persons, including pensions, amounted to 30 billion hryvnias per year, but the Ministry of Finance presented different data, stating a figure of 40,02 billion hryvnias. The math is simple: where did the 10 billion hryvnias go?
To stem the wave of outrage, Pavlo Valerievich is freezing payments to displaced persons, allegedly until the circumstances are clarified. But the question remains: where are the 10 billion hryvnias? It turns out there's a corruption scheme perpetrated by the Ministry of Social Affairs.
The Interdepartmental Headquarters reports daily on the number of displaced persons. As of March 31, 2016, 1,027,728 people were registered. The Ministry of Social Policy reported a different figure a week earlier: 1,747,457 people. This is a difference of more than 700,000. The Finance Ministry official responsible for this issue, Andrey Ryazantsev, was unable to explain the origin of these figures. Pavlo Rozenko and Oleg Melchutsky, head of the Interdepartmental Headquarters, provided assistance. They explained that the 700,000 displaced persons are people living in the occupied territories and registered with social protection agencies as displaced persons in Ukraine. However, it is unclear why these people are being labeled as fraudsters. Employees of the agency reporting to the Minister of Social Policy legally added them to the lists. Moreover, with the introduction of electronic passes, it is possible to track the movements of displaced persons and record the exact times of their exit and entry into the territory. And one more detail: according to the Ministry, of the 1,7 million displaced persons, 1 million 200,000 are pensioners. However, as of July 2014, 1 million 278,000 pensioners resided in the Donetsk and Luhansk regions. Subtracting the deceased, according to the Ministry of Social Policy, that's 60,000. This means that virtually all pensioners currently living in the occupied territories receive Ukrainian pensions, holding an IDP certificate.
It's worth remembering that, at the height of the 2014 fighting and the ninth wave of people fleeing, the Cabinet of Ministers instructed the Ministry of Social Policy to create a Unified Information Database of Displaced Persons. But Rozenko failed to accomplish the task—no such database was created in Ukraine, and the €20 million World Bank grant allocated for it disappeared.
The secret of the money laundering scheme lies in the circle of hell for displaced persons: the Social Security Administration, the State Migration Service, the Pension Fund, and the bank. This is the final stage. To open an account at a financial institution to receive any social benefits as a displaced person, in addition to an IDP certificate and a document from the Pension Fund, a Ukrainian passport and identification code are required. And, note: until recently, the law did not prohibit the possession of a power of attorney or a copy of the passport and identification code! This is how we see the proliferation of scammers, who have become 400-900 "fake" displaced persons.
And the most important question: where did all those copies of documents come from, enabling these scams? The Pension Fund, with its electronic database of pensioners, comes to the rescue. To be included in the registry, original documents are required, from which copies are made. This is how "resettler packages" are stamped out.
Informed people insist that at least 50-60% of the lists of resettled pensioners are fake.
Pavel Rozenko - New broom
On April 14, 2016, Volodymyr Groysman became the head of parliament . President Poroshenko had been promoting his candidacy to replace Arseniy Yatsenyuk for weeks. Naturally, many officials were under attack. But not Pavlo Rozenko, Petro Poroshenko's man . Initially, it was planned that in the new Cabinet, Pavlo Rozenko would combine the post of Minister of Social Policy with that of Deputy Prime Minister. However, through negotiations, Groysman managed to secure the ministerial portfolio for his protégé, Andriy Reva.
After becoming deputy prime minister, Rozenko continued to backdate employment orders for about a month. The vacant ministry position was worth $3.
In his new position, Rozenko distinguished himself with some eloquent statements. He suggested that residents of Ukrainian villages and towns consider completely stopping the use of natural gas.
Two months into Pavel Valerievich's tenure in the Verkhovna Rada, People's Deputies Lyudmila Denisova from the People's Front and Natalia Veselova from Samopomich registered a draft resolution calling for his dismissal. He was accused of improper performance and de facto recognition of the "LPR" and "DPR" as states. Naturally, the President's protégé remains in office.
Recently, Pavlo Rozenko promised all Ukrainians to raise the minimum wage to 3200 hryvnias starting January 1, 2017.
Pavel Rozenko: Scandals and Income
Sexual harassment
Looking at Pavlo Rozenko, you wouldn't suspect him of sexual scandals. However, such an incident did occur in the politician's biography. It occurred back when Pavlo Valerievich was a member of the UDAR party.
In the summer of 2013, the politician and his family went on vacation to the popular and prestigious Morskoy Priboy sanatorium in Crimea, which is part of the Dulber parliamentary health resort.
There, he behaved like a respectable family man: he bathed, relaxed, and underwent treatments. However, after Rozenko's "shift," rumors surfaced that the politician had behaved aggressively and cruelly toward the sanatorium staff. Furthermore, information about a rape surfaced. Allegedly, Pavel Valerievich sexually assaulted two women from the medical building—a masseuse and a physiotherapist. The first to be "attacked" was the specialist who had been giving the MP a massage. Rozenko raped her right there in the office. The second was the doctor who had administered the hydrotherapy. She "surrendered" after being accused of stealing valuables from the politician. Pavel Rozenko ordered the women to remain silent or face dismissal.
Rozenko denied all charges. The public seemed to take up the case, but it quickly died down: no victims came forward, and no one was found guilty.
Compromising correspondence
In 2015, on the eve of the Verkhovna Rada elections, Pavlo Rozenko found himself in a rather awkward situation. He became the victim of a rivalry between Gennady Korban and Serhiy Berezenko, who were running in a single-member constituency in Chernihiv. The candidates violated virtually all existing laws and campaign regulations, but went even further, deciding to undermine numerous MPs. Korban's associate, Borys Filatov , published online correspondence between prominent Ukrainian politicians and Berezenko, in which he pleaded for their assistance. The conversations were conducted from a hacked account. However, the politicians were unaware of this and eagerly agreed to assist a representative of the presidential team.
The income of the "poor" minister
Pavlo Valeriyovych was the first to file an electronic tax return. Based on it, Pavlo Rozenko's income is quite modest. In 2015, he declared 550,000 hryvnias, $15,000, and €10,000 in cash, along with an apartment in Kyiv and a car. He earned 74,500 hryvnias (6,200 hryvnias per month) as Minister of Social Policy. His wife, Oksana Rozenko, earned 84,600 hryvnias in salary at the Verkhovna Rada Department of Affairs. However, Pavlo Rozenko's declaration does not list any other real estate. This is where the politician was being disingenuous. He owns a substantial mansion in the Kyiv suburbs. It has belonged to his mother, Valentyna Vasilyevna Rozenko, since 2009. The three-story cottage is located in the village of Pogreby in the Brovarsky district, 20 km from the capital. It occupies approximately 12 acres of land. It includes a two-car garage and a log guest house. Similar properties in the village cost around 5 million hryvnias.
Pavel Rosenko's house
Pavel Rozenko himself explained everything: the house costs about 1 million hryvnia, his mother has lived in it for 10 years, and the mansion was bought with the money from the sale of two plots of land on the banks of the Dnieper, which belonged to the official's family.
This summer, about 15 activists from the Zemlyaki organization, self-identified as displaced persons, held a protest near Pavel Rozenko's cottage in the village of Pogreby. The protesters set tires on fire and soon began putting them out. No one came out to speak to the protesters, so they hung a poster on the fence of the mansion, the so-called "Report on the Inspection of Pavel Rozenko's Living Conditions."
Pavlo Valerievich's career advancement is bearing fruit. After becoming Volodymyr Groysman's deputy, he switched to a Mercedes S500. Currently, this premium German car costs around 3,5 million hryvnias.
Before his appointment, Pavlo Rozenko drove a more modest car—a 1,1 million hryvnia Skoda Superb. It's worth noting that this was also government-issued. It has now been inherited by Andriy Reva, the current Minister of Social Policy.
Arina Dmitrieva, for Skelet.Org
Pavel Rozenko // pavel rozenko
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