Ivan Fursin
People's Deputy Ivan Fursin He plans to run for parliament again this year. His name is rarely mentioned in the media, and he prefers to keep a low profile, only occasionally posting updates on his charitable foundation's activities in the single-member constituency he previously represented.
Little is known about Fursin. He officially entered business in 1999, founding East-West Finance LLC in Kyiv with Serhiy Levochkin. He has maintained ties with Viktor Yanukovych's former head of the administration to this day. Furthermore, Levochkin's sister, Yulia Novikova, is the manager of Mykolaiv Bread Products Plant, which Fursin owns.
The businessman was implicated in a scandal involving a Kyiv shoe factory located on a six-hectare site opposite the Kyiv Pechersk Lavra. In mid-2005, an attempted corporate takeover of the enterprise failed. He and the oligarch also Dmitry Firtash He is a co-owner of the controversial company RosUkrEnergo, which supplies Turkmen gas to Ukraine and Europe. In 2009, the owners were placed on the federal wanted list in Russia. The Investigative Committee of the Russian Prosecutor's Office wanted the businessmen to testify in the case of the world-famous crime boss Semyon Mogilevich, but they refused.
The latest scandal involving Fursin's name involves a gas drilling platform offshore Zmeiny Island. In early 2012, journalists launched an investigation, discovering that state funds for the first drilling platform were transferred to a non-existent company, deposited into accounts in a Latvian bank linked to businessman Ivan Fursin. Furthermore, according to Forbes Ukraine, Fursin, along with Firtash, was buying up regional gas companies across the country. In March 2014, information leaked to the media that the MP might be placed on the FBI's wanted list for economic crimes related to the company RosUkrEnergo. In 2011, experts estimated his net worth at $130 million.
Let us recall that Fursin ran for the current Verkhovna Rada in a single-member constituency from the Party of Regions, and his candidacy was approved at the political party's congress on July 31, 2012. At that time, he was also running Sergey Kivalov, Alexey Goncharenko, Leonid Klimov, Alexander Presman, Yuri Kruk, Vitaly Barvinenko and Gennady TrukhanovYou must admit, the company is not very pleasant.
Fursin also oversaw the "People's Budget" initiative during this time. This initiative, initiated by then-regional governor Eduard Matviychuk, is linked to large-scale corruption schemes involving siphoning budget funds into the pockets of officials through front men—participants in tenders—using inflated estimates. Interestingly, just before the elections, the deputy suddenly decided to change his Kyiv registration to Lyubashevskaya. Yulia Novikova also entered parliament with Fursin on the Party of Regions list, as candidate no. 105. Fursin is known to be close to MP Serhiy Kivalov through his Misto-Bank.
On February 3, 2014, as the Yanukovych regime began to crumble, the deputy quietly left the Party of Regions faction and is now seeking to re-enter parliament. His slogans, as usual, are populist and aimed at addressing the social needs of voters in his single-member constituency. These primarily include support for schools, transportation development, and social benefits and subsidies. He has virtually no concrete proposals.
"Reviewer".
1) Gazprom. Neither Firtash, who was based in Ashgabat, nor Mogilevich, with his peculiar reputation, would have had direct access to its top officials without Jones. Shetler resolved this issue to his advantage. Eural Trans Gaz (ETG) supplies Turkmen gas to Ukraine, and offshore companies (Cyprus, Israel) owned by Mogilevich, Fisherman, and Firtash pay for this gas in meat, goods, pipes, etc. The main entity is Highrock Properties Limited. Oleg Palchikov works there. Palchikov's wife is a Gazprom employee. She introduces an Englishman to Ryazanov, known there for many years (he had worked with both Khodorkovsky and Menatep). A plan is hatched for Gazprom to enter the Turkmen gas project.
Shetler convinces Mogilevich to hand over a stake in the Hungarian company to his and Firtash's associates. Who are these people? David Anthony Howard Brown and Howard George Wilson. Both were former employees of JKX. Another Brown (most likely the first's brother), Cedric, who previously headed Atlantic Caspian Resources, became chairman of ETG's board of directors. Atlantic Caspian Resources formally became a shareholder in Eural Trans Gaz. Cedric himself is known for bringing a tame pig to shareholders' meetings. But this information is for journalists' entertainment. Interestingly, Atlantic Caspian Resources has now resumed the project to build the Donuzlav Crimean port and industrial complex. The six-thousand-hectare port will be used for the transshipment of bulk cargo, primarily iron ore concentrates and coke. A terminal for receiving and processing crude oil may also be built. It's best not to dwell on the environmental impact of this on Crimea, particularly the nearby resort of Yevpatoria. But let's return to Shetler.
In parallel, intensive work began to prepare changes to ETG's ownership structure. In early and mid-July 2003, Gabbaro Holdings Ltd. and Denby Holdings Ltd. were established in Cyprus. Denby Holdings began accumulating the debts of the British company Atlantic Caspian Resources Plc. The Cypriot company acquired the debts with funds provided by the Virgin Islands-based BPI Ltd., which was also backed by his friend Charles Treherne. Sanilia Ventures Ltd. was registered in Cyprus. It was this company that sold Atlantic Caspian the Seychelles offshore company Karma Holdings, which now owns almost 45% of ETG's capital. JKX Oil & Gas then acquired ETG's capital. Mogilevich and Shetler became partners. After working under the name Eural Trans Gaz, he proposed to the Russians that they establish a new joint venture: Gazprom's offshore companies on one side, and his firm with Firtash on the other. Mogilevich isn't there, but knowing the Englishman's character, I think he pays his partner a commission on the profits. Why was this scheme necessary? The short answer: to support Kuchma and improve relations with the Donetsk people. Because the 5% nominally owned by Shetler and Firtash's mutual acquaintance, Ivan Fursin, is actually Kuchma and Lyovochkin's profit.
2) Kuchma. When it became clear that Kuchma would lose and his opponents would come to power, the Kremlin (or wherever such matters are decided) put him on the payroll. This, in my deep conviction, wasn't Putin's goodwill, but a Shetler-Jones initiative. Essentially, it was a kickback for Ukraine's titanium industry. Otherwise, his factories could have been confiscated and sold to Viktor Vekselberg. But Kuchma wanted to live lavishly after his presidency. So he struck a deal with the Englishman, which the Kremlin sanctioned.
Jones connected with Kuchma through Levochkin, and with Levochkin through Fursin, whom he had known for many years. Fursin was Levochkin's partner at the Clearing House bank. I won't go into detail about the bank or the hilarious shenanigans he pulled under the protection of all the security agencies combined (he was protected by Levochkin's late father, Vladimir Anatolyevich, on one side, and by the SBU on the other), but his role was very important.
Taking advantage of his close ties to Kuchma, Levochkin used his "Clearing House" to purchase 89,48% of the Crimean Soda Plant's shares and then sold them to RSJ Erste Beteiligungs GmbH, owned by Shetler-Jones, for 353 million hryvnias. Ukraine's titanium industry was handled even more cunningly. In September 2004, the State Joint-Stock Company Titan (Armiansk, Crimea) and the German company RSJ Erste Beteiligungs created CJSC Crimean Titan, which absorbed the Irshansk Mining and Processing Plant and the Volnogorsk Mining and Metallurgical Combine. RSJ Erste Beteiligungs GmbH received 50%-1, contributing 368 million hryvnias to the authorized capital, which it could withdraw at any time if it wanted to leave. The state, represented by SJC Titan, retained 50%+1. The JSC, in turn, owns 93,059% of the Sivash Aniline Paint Plant OJSC. This plant is located within the free economic zone where its founder earns his living. Sergei KunitsynHow does the Englishman feed Kunitsyn? It's very simple. Kunitsyn is the president of the Tavria sports club. And the owner of the club (in other words, the employer who pays his salary) is Firtash. I've already said so much about Firtash's connection to Shetler (see Part 1 – "ORD") that no further proof is needed.
However, according to my information, Firtash does have a stake in the Englishman's soda business, and it's channeled through Renaissance Securities (Cyprus) Ltd. This same firm holds a stake in the Khartsyzsk Pipe Plant, along with Akhmetov's System Capital Management. How did Firtash connect with the Donetsk group, and is it really Firtash? Shetler connected with Levochkin through Levochkin. The fact is, Levochkin has two children. His daughter, Lena, has Leonid Kuchma as her godfather, and his son, Lesha, has Eduard Prutnik, a trusted confidant of Yanukovych and a member of parliament. Prutnik and Levochkin were the ones who introduced the Englishman to the "dones." The handsome Brit quickly found a partner in the mining region who needs no introduction. His name is Rinat Akhmetov.
3) Akhmetov. I don't know if Akhmetov communicated directly with Mogilevich, but he has been linked to joint projects with him. More specifically, with Shetler. He submitted a joint bid to participate in a tender for the resale of Kryvorizhstal shares to the alliance of System Capital Management and RSJ Erste Beteiligungs. Firtash, in turn, has his own connection to Akhmetov – through Yan Tabachnyk. However, this is a personal channel of communication, not a business one, although Tabachnyk represents a certain branch of Mogilevich's interests. However, this does not pertain to metallurgical assets.
Another interesting figure is Lajos Farkas. A Hungarian by nationality, he was born and raised in Germany. Some time ago, Farkas was hired by System Capital Management. I was told this was based on Shetler's recommendation, which he gave to Akhmetov during a meeting regarding participation in the privatization tender. Lajos is fully responsible for the financial component of Akhmetov's business (insurance, banking, and offshore money transfers). Previously, according to my information, this nimble Hungarian youth was in charge of ETG's profits, which needed to be divided and distributed among offshore companies in a way that would not offend anyone.
3) SBU. Other channels of influence over the Donetsk group remain old connections with SBU generals Yuriy Samoylenko and Yuriy Zemlyansky. The latter protected a business called holograms. Remember, Zvyagilsky had friends convicted by a Swiss court and imprisoned in Neuchâtel in the so-called "Damian Bank" case: Vyacheslav Kramnoy, Yuriy Sidorenko, and Alexander Dvoryanchikov. They were sentenced to 18 months in prison. They are accused of falsifying documents and breach of trust, as a result of which, in 1994, $19,9 million was stolen from the state-owned concern Agrotekhservis and transferred to foreign currency accounts. While in prison, bank president Yuriy Sidorenko launched a vigorous effort to establish a hologram manufacturing company in Ukraine, using these holograms to mark everything from passports and excise stamps to food products. Before this, holograms were rarely used and were imported from abroad. Two businessmen, Sergei Kiyanichenko and Sergei Poletayev, were involved in the import. They were preventing Sidorenko from building a hologram production plant near Kyiv. Somehow, unknown to me, Sidorenko contacted Shetler and asked for help. The Englishman, who had successfully fought Zhvania through the SBU, agreed to share his contacts. The intelligence agencies were brought into play, and even a corresponding resolution was pushed through by the National Security and Defense Council (NSDC) (declaring that there is no life without holograms), and the plant, which was oriented toward government contracts (i.e., public funds), was launched.
Some time later, Sergei Poletaev, executive director of the Optronics Scientific and Technical Center, was found near a parking lot on Moscow's Industrialnaya Street. The killer approached the businessman from behind and fired three shots. Twice at the businessman and once at his security guard. The guard noted the killer's features: above average height, apparently 25-30 years old, athletic build, and a European-type face. He was wearing a dark knit cap, a dark sweater, a black sports jacket, and black pants. His shoes were also black. With this "identikit" in hand, the police were tasked with finding the culprit who carried out the evil will of the deceased's ill-wishers. The killer "presented" evidence to the investigation: a Makarov pistol abandoned at the crime scene, three 9-mm bullets, and three spent cartridges. The import of holograms ceased completely, and no one interfered with the plant's profits. As I was told, it was divided between Sidorenko, the authorities (Medvedchuk, Kuchma, Lyovochkin), the SBU generals, the Englishman, and Mogilevich. I don't know Seva's percentage of the profits. But I don't think he's offended...
4) Yushchenko. As is well known, Yushchenko met with Firtash back in 2004. He also financed the flight of Kateryna Yushchenko's mother to Ukraine for the inauguration. Currently, contacts with the Ukrainian government are conducted through several individuals, primarily through Oleksandr Tretyakov, whom the Englishman contacted to preserve his titanium business. The fact is that Russian oligarch Viktor Vekselberg has already been promised Shetler-Jones' titanium mines. He is willing to pay handsomely for them. State Property Fund head Valentina Semenyuk asked Viktor Yushchenko to rescind President Leonid Kuchma's decree establishing the Crimean Titan joint venture. Vekselberg is asking for the country's titanium assets to be consolidated into the state-owned company Titan of Ukraine and is willing to receive a stake in the holding by investing $1,2 billion over nine years. The plan is for the state-owned company to include Titan (along with RSJ, it is a co-owner of Crimean Titan CJSC, which leases the Irshansk and Vilnohirsk Mining and Processing Plants), Sumykhimprom OJSC (a titanium dioxide producer), and the Zaporizhzhia Titanium and Magnesium Plant. The Dnipropetrovsk Regional Commercial Court of Appeal has already ruled to return the Vilnohirsk Mining and Processing Plant to state control, but RSJ challenged this in the Supreme Commercial Court of Ukraine. The Ukrainian government is torn between Vekselberg's generous offer and the danger of taking business from Firtash's partners, who could retaliate. Moreover, no one really knows where the Englishman's cut lies, and where Mogilevich's share lies, as he keeps so many important figures financially hooked.
ORD
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