So, the long saga of Yuriy Lutsenko's election as Prosecutor General has concluded. With 264 votes, Yuriy Vitalyevich was elected to this important post. Prior to this, parliament had passed a law specifically for him, allowing a person without a law degree to serve as Prosecutor General.
Lutsenko is a well-known figure in Ukrainian politics. However, in his more than 20-year career, this is his greatest achievement. Strana traced the stages of this long journey.
Step one. The secretary's son, Frost's assistant
Rivne native Yuriy Lutsenko's political career began largely thanks to the patronage of his father, the First Secretary of the Rivne Regional Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU), and later a People's Deputy from the Communist Party. Lutsenko himself doesn't like to dwell on this, but it was his father who introduced the young Yuriy to socialists, and thus, in the mid-1990s, he became a member of the Socialist Party of Ukraine (SPU). In 90, SPU leader Oleksandr Moroz was elected as a People's Deputy of Ukraine from the Communist Party and became the leader of the communist majority (the so-called "Group 239").
Young Yuriy Lutsenko, a sergeant in the Soviet Army
When the Communist Party of Ukraine was briefly banned, Moroz founded the Socialist Party of Ukraine and took its leadership. Yuriy Lutsenko, the son of a Rivne Communist Party activist, soon joined him. In November of that same 1996, Lutsenko became chairman of the Rivne Regional State Administration's Economics Committee. Thanks to his diligence and "proper" background, Lutsenko quickly rose to prominence, and in that same year, 1996, he immediately became secretary of the SPU Political Council, the highest governing body of the then-popular Socialist Party.
Since March 1998, Yuriy Vitaliyovych has been unsuccessfully seeking a seat in the Verkhovna Rada, but only placing second out of 20 candidates in electoral district #152 in his native Rivne Oblast and failing to gain a seat in parliament. However, he hasn't been idle, as he enjoys the full support of his patron, Moroz. From September 1998 to April 1999, Lutsenko worked as an assistant to then-Prime Minister Valeriy Pustovoitenko. He then returned to his patron's wing, serving as an assistant and consultant to MP Moroz until April.
Step two. Riding the wave of "Ukraine without Kuchma"
However, until the release of the Melnichenko tapes and the "Ukraine without Kuchma" protest, Lutsenko remained a relatively low-profile figure in Moroz's team. Yuriy Vitalyevich's truly revolutionary talent unfolded when he sat alongside Moroz, participated in the release of Major Melnichenko's tapes, and, in December 2000, became co-chair of the "Ukraine without Kuchma" protest. However, the protest was quickly and brutally suppressed by police and special forces, and Lutsenko himself began attending interrogations at the Prosecutor General's Office as if they were his job. Later, in an interview, Yuriy Lutsenko admitted that during interrogations regarding the March 9, 2001, riots during the "Ukraine without Kuchma" protest, he had behaved "honestly, but stupidly."
Yuriy Lutsenko and Lesya Gongadze at the “Ukraine without Kuchma” rally
"Back then, during the interrogations, I was a victim of naivety. I recognized participants in the events of March 9th on video, not even realizing it could be used against them. I sincerely thought that when I said, for example, 'Well, you see, Igor Mazur is waving his hand, calling on people to move away from the police, trying to stop the clash,' I was helping him. But it turned out that I identified a man whom investigators considered one of the organizers of the mass riots. What I did then was honest. And it was stupid," the politician recalled in an interview nine years after those events.
Although Lutsenko himself claimed to have maintained normal human relationships with all the convicted participants of the "Ukraine without Kuchma" protest, after information about his candid testimony to investigators was made public, Lutsenko acquired a notorious reputation for betraying his comrades in the revolutionary struggle. And whenever possible, Lutsenko was constantly reminded of this.
Step three: Membership and bast shoes for Kuchma
Following the "Ukraine without Kuchma" campaign, Lutsenko finally received his long-awaited parliamentary mandate and in May 2002, he entered the Verkhovna Rada of the 4th convocation as the third number on the SPU list.
In the Rada, he was assigned to the unpopular and uninspiring Committee on Construction, Transportation, Housing and Utilities, and Communications. However, already a leader of the Socialist Party of Ukraine and a revolutionary, Lutsenko focused in parliament not on housing and utilities but on criticizing President Kuchma, which brought him considerable dividends in the form of growing popular support.
Yuriy Lutsenko in 2002
In particular, in June 2002, Yuriy Vitalyevich made a malicious joke about his opponent Kuchma, and during the president's speech in parliament with his annual address, he handed Leonid Danilovich woven bast shoes with the saying: "On the road to Europe."
This pun was broadcast on all the national channels, and Lutsenko became practically a national hero. Was it a joke? He "wove bast shoes" for Kuchma himself! No one paid attention to the details of this incident, as the president threw the bast shoes into the audience, told Lutsenko, "You have to have some sense," and calmly continued his speech as if nothing had happened. As is well known at the time, Lutsenko's patron, Moroz, had clashed with President Kuchma, so Lutsenko followed his party boss's lead. However, in the eyes of the people, it was still a heroic achievement.
Step Four: The First Maidan and the First Ministry
During the first Maidan, Oleksandr Moroz's Socialist Party supported Yushchenko, and Yuriy Lutsenko, as an experienced "field commander," became the commandant of the tent city. This not only immediately distinguished him from the crowd of protest leaders but also brought him noticeably closer to the leadership of "Our Ukraine," particularly Petro Poroshenko and other comrades who later became known as "friends of the people." Formally, Lutsenko remained in the Socialist Party, but de facto, he increasingly drifted toward Yushchenko's political camp.
Yuriy Lutsenko with the leaders of the Orange Revolution
Yushenko formed the new government based on the principle of "everyone gets their share"—the political forces that supported him received their quotas in the government. After a lengthy haggling, the post of Minister of Internal Affairs went to the Socialist Party. It was given to Yuriy Lutsenko, who had neither a legal education nor experience in law enforcement. Even then, however, it was said that this appointment was influenced not only by Moroz but also by "his beloved friends."
As Lutsenko recalled, arriving on his first day at work, accompanied by Police General Gennady Moskal (who had been assigned to Lutsenko as a special agent), he found the corridors of the ministry building at 10 Bogomolets Street empty. No one greeted him; all the employees had hidden in various places. After all, Minister Mykola Bilokon had hastily fled abroad, abandoning his generals to their fate.
During his first stint at the Ministry of Internal Affairs, Lutsenko was remembered for a scandal involving the issuance of award weapons to Yushchenko's associates, heavy drinking during trips to the regions, and unrestrained PR for cases that later fell apart.
For example, the case Boris Kolesnikov, who was held for several months in pretrial detention and then safely released, though the case itself quickly fell apart. Subsequently, the media claimed that the entire criminal case was initially hatched to extort money and stock holdings from Kolesnikov's friend, Rinat Akhmetov. Moreover, not only Lutsenko was "in on the case," but also allegedly Poroshenko (then Secretary of the National Security and Defense Council) and Viktor Shokin (then Deputy Prosecutor General). All three, naturally, deny any malicious intent. However, the Poroshenko-Lutsenko connection was already widely noted.
As Gennady Moskal, who worked as Lutsenko's deputy, recalled, his post-Maidan work in 2005 was constantly fraught with strange men wearing orange ribbons on their sleeves coming into the minister's office and demanding that he resolve their problems in various criminal cases.
According to unofficial reports, President Yushchenko also regularly interfered with the work of the Ministry of Internal Affairs under Lutsenko. In particular, malicious tongues say that it was Yushchenko's orders that the Botsvinyukov brothers, who were being sought for extradition to the United States on human trafficking charges, were released from pretrial detention.
Incidentally, one of the Botsvinyuks is still on Interpol's wanted list. Service generals also recall a curious incident from Lutsenko's biography as minister. In 2008, he arrived in Zakarpattia on an inspection tour, while the regional police chief, Viktor Chepak, was on sick leave, avoiding dismissal. The day before, he had clashed with Lutsenko's deputy, Savchenko, who had arrived in Uzhhorod without his knowledge to replace the city police chief.
Chepak disobeyed Lutsenko's deputy, so the minister himself arrived to subdue the rebel. Secluded in Chepak's office, according to eyewitnesses, Lutsenko began to berate the general and, in the heat of his expletive-laden speech, spilled a decanter of water on General Chepak's jacket. The Transcarpathian police chief couldn't stand such rudeness and gave the minister a resounding slap, which sent Lutsenko under the table. This is precisely the scene the generals encountered when they heard the commotion from the reception area and popped into the office to make sure everything was in order. After this, incidentally, the minister changed his mind about dismissing General Chepak, and for a long time, a joke circulated behind the minister's back: "If you don't want to get fired, punch Lutsenko in the face."
But despite all these scandals, Lutsenko survived two government changes in his post: in September 2005 (when Tymoshenko resigned and Yekhanurov took her place) and in August 2006. Then, Viktor Yanukovych became prime minister, but Yuriy Vitalyevich retained his position. However, Lutsenko's relationship with the new team was not going well. A scandal began unfolding involving the mysterious murder of Colonel Yerokhin, a man Lutsenko trusted but who was allegedly involved in cash-outs and other illegal operations. In September 2006, the newspaper 2000 published a devastating article, "The Other Police," accusing Lutsenko of widespread abuses. Following this publication, a temporary Verkhovna Rada commission was created, which recommended Lutsenko's resignation.
This happened on December 1, 2006. Lutsenko, however, was not disheartened and instead immersed himself in politics. By then, he had already severed ties with Moroz and the Socialist Party (after the Socialists had allied with the Party of Regions and the Communists) and created his own political project, "People's Self-Defense." During the snap parliamentary elections of 2007, Self-Defense merged with Viktor Yushchenko's "Our Ukraine" into a single list, with Lutsenko heading it.
In the new parliament, this alliance entered into a coalition with the Yulia Tymoshenko Bloc. And Yuriy Vitaliyovych was again appointed Minister of Internal Affairs. In his second term in government, Lutsenko began a new drift—this time from Yushchenko to Prime Minister Tymoshenko. The drift was slow but sure.
Professionally, Lutsenko's second term as Interior Minister was marked by a series of unpleasant scandals, the most high-profile of which was the incident at Frankfurt Airport in May 2009. Lutsenko, heavily intoxicated, was detained by German police while attempting to board a Lufthansa flight (he was departing for an official visit to South Korea). According to the German press, the Ukrainian minister and his entourage even attempted to start a fight and called their German colleagues "Nazi pigs." Through the incredible efforts of diplomats, the intoxicated minister was rescued from the police station and returned to Ukraine, but the scandal lingered for a long time and caused colossal damage to Lutsenko's already controversial image.
Step Five: Criminal Prosecution and Prison
Having fallen out with President Viktor Yushchenko, Yuriy Vitalyevich placed his bets on Yulia Tymoshenko. He supported her in the 2010 presidential election, but Viktor Yanukovych ultimately won, and the clouds began to gather over Lutsenko.
According to those in the know, neither Yanukovych nor Kolesnikov forgave Yuriy Lutsenko for the insults he inflicted on them. In particular, in many interviews, he openly mocked Yanukovych, calling him a "zek" with or without reason, while Kolesnikov likely never forgave him for being jailed in a pretrial detention center for the collapsed case of extortion of shares in the White Swan shopping center in Donetsk.
In 2010, criminal cases were actively opened against the former minister on charges of abuse of office for approving surveillance of the driver of former Deputy Chairman of the Security Service of Ukraine (SBU), Volodymyr Satsyuk, for allocating an apartment from the Ministry of Internal Affairs to his driver, and for embezzling budget funds during one of the Police Day celebrations.
In late December 2010, just after his birthday, Lutsenko was arrested right outside his home on Staronavodnytska Street, and the Pechersky District Court sanctioned his arrest. His wife, Irina, who had previously kept a low profile, became Lutsenko's primary "advocate."
Lutsenko in prison, 2011
As the politician's wife recalled, "While Yura was leading the Maidans, I was busy with the family and raising the children." Judging by the fact that Lutsenko's case was assigned to a team of more than 10 Prosecutor General's Office investigators, the former minister himself realized they were taking him seriously and for the long haul. Protesting his arrest, Lutsenko went on a hunger strike in pretrial detention, further undermining his health. After the case was sent to court, he appeared at hearings in an extremely ill condition. This, however, doesn't stop him from spitting at prosecutors and hurling the Criminal Code at them.
Among Lutsenko’s lawyers are the well-known veteran of the prosecutor’s office, Alexey Baganets, as well as Vitaly Kasko, who was little known at that time… (Read more about it in the article Vitaly Kasko – a swindler, a corrupt official, a "shot-down pilot")
On February 27, 2012, Lutsenko received a four-year prison sentence with confiscation of property. An appeal upheld the sentence, and he was transferred to a police prison in the village of Makoshino in the Mensky district of the Chernihiv region. During his arrest and imprisonment, Lutsenko, by his own admission, read prolifically, having read over a hundred books.
Step Six: From Liberation to Maidan
On April 7, 2013, Lutsenko was released from prison after President Yanukovych signed a decree pardoning him.
This was very unexpected for everyone and gave rise to many versions.
This is what Renat Kuzmin, the first deputy prosecutor general in 2013, told Strana about the circumstances of the pardon and release of Yuriy Lutsenko.Read more about it in the article Renat Kuzmin: The Family Business of Outlaw Prosecutors).
"The main idea behind Yuriy Lutsenko's pardon and release from prison was that, once freed, he would engage in subversive activities against the opposition within the opposition itself," Kuzmin told Strana. "He was supposed to disrupt the opposition movement and drive its leaders apart. A sort of Gapon priest in the opposition camp. Moreover, the authorities drafted a bill specifically for Lutsenko, allowing individuals with outstanding criminal records to run for president of Ukraine. This was precisely so that Lutsenko could participate in these elections and siphon votes from Klitschko, Yatsenyuk, and Tyahnybok. Under such a scenario, Yanukovych's victory would have been practically a foregone conclusion. The current situation is similar in that they are once again passing a law specifically for Lutsenko. This time, to install him in the prosecutor general's chair."
When asked by Strana whether Lutsenko himself consented to this political strategy at the time of his release, Renat Kuzmin responded: "The pardon procedure in place at the time required the convicted person to appeal to the president for clemency. The authorities violated this procedure in Lutsenko's interests. Without an agreement with Lutsenko, this would not have happened. That's what collusion is all about. Each party must fulfill its obligations."
However, Lutsenko dismissed such theories even at the time. His associates believe he was released because of the West's position. The West was putting intense pressure on Yanukovych regarding Lutsenko and Tymoshenko. Therefore, it was decided to choose the lesser of two evils and release Lutsenko.
After his release, Yuriy Vitaliyovych founded the public organization "Third Ukrainian Republic." When the second Maidan erupted in November 2013, Lutsenko eagerly joined the protest movement. He fought off detained activists from the Berkut police, though he himself was hit in the head.
He rarely speaks on stage anymore and no longer positions himself as a member of the trio of leaders—Klitschko, Tyahnybok, and Yatsenyuk. He spends his time in the square itself, talking to the people, analyzing the mood. All this time, he maintains a very close relationship with Poroshenko, with whom he has by then become godfathers.
Yuriy Lutsenko at Euromaidan
And as soon as Petro Oleksiyovych becomes president, and the BPP wins the parliamentary elections, the president puts Lutsenko at the head of his own faction.
Step Seven: From Wedding General to Prosecutor General
However, leading the presidential faction is proving a thankless task. The BPP is riven by internal conflicts between protégés of various influence groups. And real decisions and issues are made not by the faction leader, but by "gray cardinals" like Ihor Kononenko, Serhiy Berezenko, or Oleksandr Granovsky. Under these circumstances, Lutsenko has been cast in the unenviable role of a mere usher, serving as a facilitator.
From time to time, rumors came from circles close to Yuri Vitalyevich himself that he was very dissatisfied with his position and would like to leave his post.
Since March, rumors had been circulating in political circles that Lutsenko could become the new Prosecutor General. At first, few believed them. However, in April, they were confirmed. The candidacy had been a difficult one. During his long political career, Lutsenko had made many enemies. He also lacked a law degree, so a special law had to be passed, which lent the entire process a farcical air. This was especially true given that, to ensure a successful vote, the votes of the parliamentary groups "Power of the People" and "Vidrodzhennya" (a group associated with Ihor Kolomoisky) had to be secured in exchange for major concessions to the oligarchs behind them.
Many close to the president also grumbled. "I think Petro Oleksiyovych understands deep down that Lutsenko, with his mega-ambitions, penchant for posturing and self-promotion, and talent for getting into various scandals, is far from the candidate we need to head the Prosecutor General's Office right now," said one influential MP. "And we'll all be crying our eyes out for him. But the president already gave Lutsenko his word, and therefore he's forced to keep it."
However, it's possible that Poroshenko has his own plans for Lutsenko. After the Maidan, the Prosecutor General's Office was perhaps the worst-performing agency in terms of its image. Neither police officer Yarema nor prosecutor Shokin could fulfill the role that Facebook Minister Avakov plays within the Ministry of Internal Affairs—constant, almost minute-by-minute PR promotion of the agency and its initiatives. As a result, almost all high-profile cases within the Prosecutor General's Office resulted in colossal scandals and a public image wreck. Let's recall Mosiychuk, Korban, and almost all representatives of the previous government.
Something had to be done about this, as the Prosecutor General's Office was turning from the president's sword of punishment into a laughingstock. Lutsenko is an effective PR man. There's no doubt that Yuriy Vitalyevich's Facebook will soon be filled with interesting, scathing posts about how the Prosecutor's Office punishes thieves, separatists, corrupt officials, and fugitive officials from the Yanukovych era. It's far from certain that these posts will be followed by actual prosecutions and court victories. But a temporary and fairly strong PR effect will be achieved. And then they'll come up with something else.
As for Lutsenko's willfulness and ambition, Poroshenko is apparently hoping that the new prosecutor general will have the sense not to quarrel with the president, knowing full well that the Rada will vote for his resignation at any moment.
As for implementing the recommendations of Poroshenko, Kononenko, and other authoritative comrades, Lutsenko had never previously been seen rebelling against his superiors.
As for the reform and renewal of the Prosecutor's Office under Lutsenko's leadership, which is much discussed now, with emphasis on Yuriy Vitalyevich supposedly being "outside the system," this, as Comrade Sukhov said, is unlikely. Lutsenko is absolutely "outside the system." Let's not forget that he led the Ministry of Internal Affairs during the rampant corruption of the 2000s. Former Prosecutor General Yarema served under him at the time. His lawyer, as mentioned above, was Oleksiy Baganets, a former deputy prosecutor general—a true member of the prosecutorial establishment.
Therefore, Lutsenko will likely be joined by familiar faces in the prosecutor's office. They are certainly not reformists. Nor will the Prosecutor General's Office become an independent body, administering punishment according to the letter of the law, rather than on a call from Bankova or an influential oligarch. As BPP MP Serhiy Leshchenko wrote, "I don't believe in the independence of a prosecutor general for whose sake they have subverted parliament, trampled on the Constitution and Ukraine's international obligations, and whose main supporters were two oligarchic clans."
See also: Yuriy Lutsenko. The "Terminator" of Ukrainian Politics
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