Roman Govda: How a prosecutor became a fixer

Roman Govda: How a prosecutor became a fixer

Roman Govda is a man who graduated from a childhood bicycle to a foreign car, and from university to the prosecutor's chair. Moscow Prosecutor Govda feels comfortable and comfortable under any government. He fears neither "Maidan" protests nor lustration, because Roman Mikhailovich is a common pawn, a servant, an enforcer, a flunky. No matter what we call Prosecutor Govda, his essence remains the same. Government changes, but Roman Govda does not.

Roman Govda. A Word for the Young Prosecutor

At 36, Roman Mykhailovych Govda is a State Justice Counselor of the 3rd class, equivalent to the rank of major general. He received this rank from Petro Poroshenko ( see: Petro Poroshenko: Biography and the Truth About Ukraine's "Chocolate King" ). For his conscientious performance of official duties, initiative, and efficiency, Roman Govda was also awarded the following badges: "Gratitude for Conscientious Service in the Prosecutor's Office, 3rd Class" and "For Impeccable Service in the Prosecutor's Office."

But how did this greasy-haired young man, who until recently wore plain, baggy shorts, acquire so much merit and honor in such a short period of time? Skelet.Org decided to investigate. As it turns out, Govda has been and continues to be valued under any government. The prosecutor was promoted through the ranks by Viktor Pshonka , Oleh Makhnitsky , Vitaliy Yarema , Viktor Shokin , and Yuriy Lutsenko.

Govda himself never represented any particular value, was no child prodigy, nor a talented lawyer, but he was always an excellent servant. He remains a servant to this day.

Roman Mykhailovych was born on December 10, 1980, in Novoyavorivsk, Yavoriv district, Lviv region. From almost infancy, Govda became a prosecutor. This is hardly surprising, as the lawyer's parents worked in sulfur mining, meaning the family always had plenty of money. Govda's father was a site manager, and his mother was a mine surveyor. In his hometown, the story goes that the university graduate's position in the prosecutor's office was simply bought.

After graduating from Ivan Franko Lviv State University in 2003, Roman took a position as an assistant prosecutor in Zhytomyr's Korolevsky District. Incidentally, on his Odnoklassniki page, Roman Govda indicated that he also studied at the Voronezh State University of Engineering Technologies. However, this fact is not included in his official biography.

Less than two years later, in April 2005, Govda abruptly moved to the position of head of the department for supervision of compliance with laws by internal affairs agencies during operational-search activities, inquiry and pre-trial investigation in the department for supervision of compliance with laws by agencies that conduct operational-search activities, inquiry and pre-trial investigation in the prosecutor's office of the Zhytomyr region.

He held this position until December 2010, and as soon as Viktor Pshonka became head of the Prosecutor General's Office, Govda immediately moved to Kyiv. But why did the white-blue party need an inconspicuous assistant prosecutor from Zhytomyr Oblast to work for the Prosecutor General's Office? (Incidentally, working in such an important agency under Yanukovych had no impact on Govda's career; lustration passed him by.)

Viktor Shokin and Roman Govda

Skelet.Org has learned that Yuriy Sevruk, the former first deputy head of the Prosecutor General's Office, helped Govda secure a lucrative job under Yanukovych. As deputy head of the Prosecutor General's Office's Department for Oversight of Law Compliance by Internal Affairs Agencies from December 2012 to July 2014, he pushed Govda to the position of head of the Department for Oversight of Law Compliance in Operational Investigative Activities. And then, as they say, things took off.

Until November 2012, Govda held the position of prosecutor and deputy head of the department for supervision of compliance with laws during operational-search activities in the department for supervision of compliance with laws by internal affairs bodies of the Main Directorate for Supervision of Compliance with Laws during Operational-search Activities, Inquiries and Pre-trial Investigations of the Prosecutor General's Office.

The events on the Maidan led to another rise in Govda's power. In July 2014, Roman Mykhailovych became the first deputy head of the Department for Supervision of Law Compliance by Internal Affairs Agencies of the Main Department for Supervision of Law Compliance in Criminal Proceedings of the Prosecutor General's Office of Ukraine.

He was demoted in April 2015, just as the lustrators began their ritual dance around the GPU apparatus. To save Govda from complete "destruction," the prosecutor was exiled to the Black Sea, tasked with bringing the Southern Palmyra under their control.

After completing his assignment, in September 2015, Govda was appointed Deputy Prosecutor General of Ukraine. It is known that after this, in October-November 2015, Govda attempted to head the specialized anti-corruption prosecutor's office and participated in the announced competition. He was even considered the front-runner in the anti-corruption race, but the commission did not support his candidacy, and he remained in Shokin's lap. Govda's long-timers had high hopes that he would be appointed head, but with the help of US-affiliated prosecutors, including Georgians and Vitaliy Kasko , Govda lost. But this didn't particularly upset the prosecutor, as he was already well-fed. Ultimately, Govda carried out government orders, persecuted "undesirables," orchestrated criminal cases, received regalia as a thank you, and "ate from the palm of Shokin's hand."

But Govda's measured life was suddenly shaken by his boss's resignation. After the president's godfather "departed," Govda had to adapt to a new handler. While Roman Mykhailovych had previously served the president, he suddenly defected to Prime Minister Arseniy Yatsenyuk. This is evidenced by Govda's involvement in the conspiracy against Yuriy Lutsenko. As a reminder, after the news that Yuriy Valentinovich would take Shokin's place, the deputy prosecutors general rebelled against the supposed new boss.

In the spring of 2016, they even wrote an open letter to President Petro Poroshenko asking him not to appoint someone from outside the system as head of the oversight agency. The letter was signed by all the deputy prosecutors general, with the exception of SAP head Nazar Kholodnytskyi and Chief Military Prosecutor Anatoliy Matios. As a result, upon arriving at the Prosecutor General's Office, Lutsenko carried out personnel purges, threatening to remove Yuriy Sevruk, Roman Hovda, and Oleh Zalisko. Despite Hovda's open opposition, Lutsenko ultimately installed him in a lucrative position. However, this was not Poroshenko's directive. The fact is, the People's Front intervened on Hovda's behalf.

Interestingly, on May 31, Govda submitted his resignation, despite receiving no offers to transfer to another position within the Prosecutor General's Office. However, prior to his appointment as the capital's prosecutor, he was not unemployed; he was listed as the deputy head of the Department for Supporting the Activities of the Prosecutor General's Office.

Roman Govda and Yuriy Lutsenko

After this, Govda became head of the Kyiv Prosecutor's Office. "I think Roman Govda was caught in the vortex of the political standoff between the Sakvarelidze-Kasko team and the old Prosecutor General's Office team. He is a young, very intelligent person with extensive professional experience. I believe he will be able to handle the serious challenges in the Kyiv Prosecutor's Office. I spoke with anti-corruption activists, and they have no specific charges against him," Lutsenko said of Govda's appointment.

But Skelet.Org knows something completely different: Roman Govda's appointment as Kyiv prosecutor was handled by "Frontovtsy" members Serhiy Pashinsky and Andriy Ivanchuk . Roman Mykhailovych fell into the quota for the division of spheres of influence between representatives of the "People's Front" and the "Petro Poroshenko Bloc."

Roman Govda: Don't open your mouth at someone else's piece

Govda's prosecution in Odesa deserves special attention. Without experience or visible merit, Roman Mykhailovych, exiled to Odesa, provoked the indignation of the local prosecutorial elite, the system's veterans.

Commenting on Govda's appointment, former Odessa Oblast Prosecutor Mykola Stoyanov noted: "This is yet another Kyivite who has arrived in Odessa to resolve financial issues: his own and those of those who appointed him to the position."

In response to this comment, Govda retorted: "How much experience does it take to head the regional prosecutor's office? The thing is, they used to appoint more senior officials... Stereotypes and accepted practices can change. Why me? Perhaps you should ask the Prosecutor General and his colleagues. My candidacy was proposed by Viktor Shokin, and his deputies approved it. After interviews, I was assigned this area of ​​work." Thus, he acknowledged the fact that he was sent to the Southern Palmyra directly by Ukrainian President Petro Poroshenko. Incidentally, they initially wanted to send Prosecutor Anatoliy Matios to Odesa. But he managed to hold on to the capital, and Govda was sent to handle the affairs of the "BPP family."

Govda's six months in the Odessa region weren't easy, as he had to contend with Governor Mikheil Saakashvili, who, while seemingly a supporter of the president, was already "stirring up his own agenda."

Rumor has it that Saakashvili hounded Govda because he saw former Georgian Prosecutor General Zurab Adeishvili occupying the regional legal helm. Simply put, Govda got involved in a scheme to redistribute spheres of influence just as Saakashvili had practically taken over everything.

That's why Saakashvili publicly accused Govda's prosecutors of banditry and racketeering (though this was true, no one except the Georgian had previously dared to voice it). In response, Govda claimed that the governor "simply didn't understand" the circumstances. But Saakashvili wasn't reassured, and he accused Govda's protégés of protecting illegal aggregate mining in the Odessa region. But these were already personal squabbles...

So what exactly was Govda doing in Odesa? Together with Shokin's daughter, Tatyana Gornostaeva, he spearheaded a previously established scheme to protect corruption schemes in Odesa. Prosecutors made their living by extorting money from businessmen involved in exports and imports. To fully consolidate this corrupt scheme, the new prosecutor even got rid of a representative of the old system—his deputy, Mykola Klyantsko. The newly appointed chief was not pleased with the subordinate's appetite and authority. "I submitted a petition to the Prosecutor General to dismiss only Mykola Klyantsko's deputy. There were questions about his effectiveness in this position," Govda said at the time. But that was not the case. Klyantsko was known to have been the chief fixer at the Illichivsk Commercial Seaport, and Govda was aiming to take his place.

Govda's own words also confirm that he was sent to deal with the port: "There are indeed violations at the port that indicate the theft of state property. We are investigating a number of criminal cases. In particular, these are well-known cases of fuel being purchased at inflated prices. We will soon provide an answer as to who was involved and implicated in these cases. We will assess not only the phenomenon but also the individuals involved."

And so, while Govda and Saakashvili managed to wrest the Odessa Port Plant from representatives of the old system and, in fact, from Igor Kolomoisky, and the conflict between the governor and the prosecutor escalated to the limit, Roman Mikhailovich's servant was taken to Kyiv, rewarded with a promotion.

Who is Roma Govda really: a prosecutor or a fixer?

As Viktor Shokin's deputy, Govda enjoyed broad powers and enjoyed the trust of not only the Prosecutor General but the entire "family." Therefore, Roman Mykhailovych was confidently entrusted with strategic directions. The new government's trust in Govda also remained strong. For example, according to the Prosecutor General's Order No. 213 of September 15, 2015, Govda was entrusted with the full-time responsibilities of overseeing the Information Technology Department and the Department of Organizational Support for the Unified Register of Pre-trial Investigations (URDR) and Information and Analytical Work. And at the end of the year, Poroshenko even awarded Govda a number of new titles. It's not hard to guess why. The enforcer had begun his work... As soon as Govda took charge of the capital's department, the Deputy Minister of Health and former head physician of the Oleksandrivska Hospital, Roman Vasilishin, was arrested. He had long been a target of some members of the current government and the coalition.

But those in power always have a grudge against Govda, which is why accusations have been and continue to be regularly leveled against him, 99% of which are deserved. For example, in August 2016, a video was posted on YouTube in which Oleksandr Balagura, an Odesa resident and activist, claimed to have suffered from police brutality and openly threatened to kill Odesa Regional Prosecutor Govda. The Odesa resident claimed that the regional prosecutor had obstructed criminal proceedings against the Ukrainian Ministry of Internal Affairs employee who had offended him. Ultimately, Balagura secured the opening of criminal proceedings against both Govda himself and Prosecutor General Shokin for inaction. But the outcome was zero.

Besides Saakashvili, another US-backed figure, Vitaly Kasko, led the fight against Govda. In February 2016, he accused Govda of dragging his feet on cases against former high-ranking officials and failing to recover corrupt funds embezzled by the previous government.

"At the deputy Prosecutor General level, Stolyarchuk is responsible for investigations, and Govda is responsible for procedural management. Ultimately, the Prosecutor General is, of course, responsible for all the work of the Prosecutor General's Office," Kasko stated.

Kas'ko was also not pleased with the news about Govda's prospects of heading the capital's department.

Former Deputy Prosecutor General of Ukraine David Sakvarelidze (read: Saakashvili) also reacted negatively to Roman Govda's appointment, stating that the new prosecutor lacked the necessary merits to hold the position. Incidentally, Skelet.Org has learned that Govda received this promotion in gratitude for completing the task entrusted to him—the assassination of Kasko. It's no secret that Govda had even previously signed a notice of suspicion against him.

Finally, one more interesting fact. In September 2016, Govda transferred employees of the Kyiv prosecutor's office to the corporate messenger CommFort.

The app's developer and owner is Novosibirsk-based KommFort Software LLC, whose founders include nuclear scientists and military specialists from Russia. Essentially, Govda installed Russian spyware on the phones and tablets of his subordinates.

The ascetic lifestyle of a young millionaire prosecutor

Roman Govda is an extremely modest and practically penniless prosecutor. Unfortunately, he has yet to disclose his 2016 asset declaration, so Skelet.Org cannot say for certain whether he has recently become wealthy. However, we do know that last year, his unemployed wife purchased a 2015 Toyota RAV4 for 420 hryvnias. Incidentally, the actual value of this used foreign car is much higher. It can be purchased for at least 650 hryvnias. However, Govda's wife apparently received a generous discount. Also in 2016, the prosecutor's wife purchased some movable property from Tamara Kozitskaya for 300 hryvnias. It is unknown what exactly Roman Mykhailovych's wife acquired. But Govda himself, before even taking up the post of capital prosecutor last year, received an apartment in the capital (60 sq. m.) in advance.

Since we don't have recent data on Roman Govda's income, Skelet.Org decided to analyze his old declarations for the period 2013-2015. Here's what we have. For all three years, Govda lived on just one salary. In 2013, it was 290,000 UAH, in 2014 – 238,000 UAH, and in 2015 – 375,500 UAH. In 2015, Govda declared $23,000 in cash, and his wife declared €3,000. The thing is, $23,000 is 575,000 UAH, essentially Govda's entire income for two years. So what's the deal? Govda feeds on the Holy Spirit, his two children and wife eat manna from heaven, and the family exchanges their entire salary for foreign currency and keeps it under their mattresses? But then it's unclear how Roman Mykhailovich's wife manages to buy cars and real estate. Incidentally, in 2015, Govda also managed to deposit over 60,000 hryvnias.

Roman Mykhailovych’s wife (who worked in the Prosecutor General’s Office until 2016) did not declare a single penny in 2013; in 2014, she received 176 thousand UAH, of which about 6 thousand UAH was alimony, about 150 thousand UAH was income from the sale of property, and 26,5 thousand UAH was other income; in 2015, she received 31,5 thousand UAH, of which about 6 thousand UAH was alimony and 25,5 thousand UAH was social benefits.

Govda's vehicle is a 2011 Renault Megane, which he purchased for 172,5 hryvnias. Roman Govda owns a 450-square-meter plot of land, purchased in 2009. The prosecutor owns no other real estate, but it is known that in 2015 he rented a 35-square-meter apartment in Kyiv.

But the situation with Roman Mikhailovich's wife's real estate is more interesting. In 2013, the prosecutor owned a 300-square-meter plot of land and a 48-square-meter apartment. In 2014, the prosecutor's wife sold the apartment, and in 2015, she acquired a new plot of land of 311 square meters. What's interesting here is this... in her 2015 declaration, Govda notes that the 300-square-meter plot was purchased in 2014 for UAH 20,511, and the 311-square-meter plot was purchased in 2015 for UAH 43,353. Hmm... but Govda declared his first share back in 2009. Moreover, in 2014, the prosecutor’s wife acquired a house with an area of ​​84,3 square meters out of nowhere, and in 2015, an unfinished house of 174 square meters and an unfinished garage of 26 square meters.

The transformations in Roman Govda's declarations are easily explained. Throughout his time as prosecutor, he earned a comfortable living by protecting illegal businesses and engaging in racketeering. He invested all these funds in property, but now Govda is trying to bring at least some of his assets, such as the house and garage, out of the shadows. In reality, the prosecutor has much more hidden away than he's revealed.

Roman Govda is a man of the system. He has never had, nor will ever have, any complaints from the authorities, because he carries out all orders without question and without question, which is why he always stays afloat. But for good money, Govda would sell his own mother, so those who appoint him to high positions should be more careful.

Valeria Romanova, for Skelet.Org

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