What do Anton Kisse's "The King of Bessarabia" have in common? (read more about it in the article Anton Kisse: How a gym teacher became the Bulgarian baron of Bessarabia) And Valentina Lugova's "Women of the DPR" from Druzhkovka? Both of these comrades are running under the banner of a new party that received a blessing on Bankova Street. And both are supporters of separatism.
They are ineradicable—the Soviet anti-Maidan dinosaurs who, only yesterday, dreamed of repeating the fate of the "squeezed" Crimea in their own cities and villages, and openly supported the so-called "LPR/DPR." They used to be "Regionals," and even earlier, communists, but they yearn to hang around the trough for another 10, 20, or 50 years, and ideally, to pass on the "key to success" to their offspring. So, a gang of "strong business executives" is once again running in the elections, dressed in white and blue, with the same slogans as the Party of Regions, and under a slightly updated brand—"Our Land."
The Party of Old Corrupt Officials and "Citizens of Novorossiya"
At first glance, a party cobbled together two months before the elections seems to have no chance, but it's no wonder the red-ops and the nomenklatura have rallied behind this new project—experts assure us that this movement is backed by Petro Poroshenko himself (!) Political analysts explain Bankova's oversight as a desire to draw votes away from the Opposition Bloc, further strengthening the presidential power. Even if the project proves a one-off, the "Nash-krayevtsy" have a chance to get closer to the country's main body. For former "Regionals," being in opposition is tantamount to fulfilling the curse "may you live on one salary," while Petro Poroshenko values loyal people (far more loyal than his recalcitrant coalition partners). It is precisely thanks to this authoritative support that the Communists and Regionals look to the future with confidence. These turncoats are full of enthusiasm. Of course! According to one poll, the following are already leading Kharkiv residents' electoral preferences: Opposition Bloc, Renaissance, and Our Land. Those remnants of the old regime who were too shy to sign up with the revanchists in Opposition and who failed to please the Makeyevka mafia (not accepted into Renaissance), shone at the Our Land congress in Kyiv.
Anton Kisse, one of the leaders of "Our Land," speaks at the "Our Land" congress. Wait a second! What prevented Mr. Kisse from developing his native land while in power for 25 years? The capital's "gathering" of perpetual bureaucrats was characterized by the usual formality, pomp, and money-spending. The advertising for the newly created party claims that "Our Land" is opposed to political slogans, does not engage in populism, and has no single party leader. Let's add that this party has no ideas other than one: give us power and we won't change anything. Translated into plain English, "Elect us, and we will increase the capital of our party's shareholders." "Why don't we take on William, our own Shakespeare?" the founders of "Our Land" thought to themselves, threatening to nominate 5 candidates across all regions of the country. There's no doubt that in every corner of Ukraine, you can find a village head willing to lay down his life in a fight for an extension of his official term. So, don't be surprised by the appetites of this rookie party, which in Kyiv, for example, recruited the downed pilot Oleksandr Mazurchak to its ranks. Incidentally, this "tough manager" was brought down by the harsh spring of 2013; he was dismissed from his post as first deputy head of the Kyiv City State Administration for failing to combat snowfall. But Our Land's strongest positions—and where would you think?—are where the idea of a "Russian world" smolders. The party emerged in the south, and, like an infection, its first "hotbeds" emerged in the seven regions (minus Dnipropetrovsk, where things didn't work out) where "Novorossiya" was planned. And the most odious were the first to join "our youth team, without which we cannot survive." For example, in Zaporizhzhia - Sergey Kaltsev, who voted for the "dictatorial laws" on January 16, and in a promotional video, he says he will "force the interests of the regions to be taken into account." Along with his brother, Volodymyr, who led the Zaporizhzhia city branch of the Party of Regions, this deputy held enough power to force himself and his relatives to take into account more than just themselves. "Forty-four criminal cases! And they're coming back again. When will this end?" he said, describing his work. Calcium A former Party of Regions comrade is in power. In Kherson, Vitaliy Bulyuk, the former head of the Kherson customs office, a communist, and the godfather of corrupt customs officer Ihor Kaletnik, has quickly taken up the cause. In March, Bulyuk was fired for corruption. What to do? Head the Kherson regional branch of "Our Land"... Kherson journalists noticed representatives of a new party at the Kyiv congress of a radical Marxist organization (!) called "Borotba," whose members are fighting in the Anti-Terrorist Operation (ATO) on the side of the so-called "LPR" and "DPR"! "Protect our land, trust the people who protect our land," the same guys whose colleagues in the Donetsk and Luhansk regions have already brought war to our land advise on TV screens. Anti-Maidan activists call for "European-style renovations of the country" in their advertising video:
In Kharkiv, political chameleon Alexander Feldman, who for some reason has earned the dislike of the local AutoMaidan protesters, is counting on victory with "Our Land." In Mariupol, Yuriy Khotlubey, the "most principled" supporter of a united Ukraine, is already eyeing his chance to become mayor.
"Khotlubey is walking down the hallway of the city executive committee building, with Ukrainian patriots at one end and Tricolor supporters at the other. He says to some, 'Glory to Ukraine,' to others, 'Glory to Donbas,'" says Mykola Yakubovich, a former advisor to the Secretary of the National Security and Defense Council, recalling the spring of 2014.
Where should a collaborator go in Donbas? You can go to Zhebrivsky, or you can go to the "DPR." During Maidan, Khotlubey removed utility workers from snow removal and sent them to protest in support of Yanukovych. In early spring 2014, he held roundtables with terrorists, where he said, "I support the will of the residents; this is a form of protest—with the goal of establishing a 'Donetsk Republic,' and then an independent state." In May, he held a referendum in support of the "DPR." And then he readily admitted that the "DPR" is a terrorist organization. This should probably be considered a confession. Incidentally, there's an excellent video on this topic:
Today's Khotlubey is making excuses, saying that he was forced into the Party of Regions at one time, but tomorrow he'll say that he didn't join "Our Region" of his own free will.
Given the local government's role in fueling the war, the mayors of Donetsk and Luhansk should be permanently "cut off" from their careers and political positions, banning them from even considering returning to government.
However, in reality, the exact opposite is true. "Former Deputy Minister of Housing and Public Utilities of Ukraine, Oleksandr Alipov, has been serving as First Deputy Mayor in occupied Horlivka for a year and a half. Some call him a typical collaborator, others a specialist in the housing and public utilities sector and a professional manager. Judging by his latest appointments, he's the ideal candidate for the position of Deputy Governor of Donetsk Oblast to Pavlo Zhebrivsky and for the post of head of the city's political organization, 'Our Land.' Only people like that are being hired these days. Alipov's only drawback is his 'DPR' past. Otherwise, he's a solid manager, a man of action, not a politician. All his friends and former subordinates—Bliznyuk, Tretyakov, Perebyinos from Krasnolimansk, Gnatenko from Druzhkovka, Reva from Artemovsk—are already in 'Our Land,' and he's serving the occupiers. This isn't right," wrote Horlivka journalist Oleksandr Belinsky on Facebook.
Each "our-region" member mentioned by Bilinsky could fill a chapter in the novel "They Called Putin" (or, better yet, a couple of volumes of a criminal case on inciting separatism and sponsoring militants). But let's focus only on the most prominent serpentarium of like-minded individuals—the town of Druzhkovka.
Valeriy Gnatenko, deeply tainted with anti-Ukrainian activities—the organizer of the Anti-Maidan and the secession referendum—is running again. Gnatenko called the Maidan protesters "beastly and demonic masks," and after the annexation of Crimea, he called on Druzhkovka residents to build bridges with Russia at rallies. He received a glowing endorsement from the website "Peacemaker," but it's possible that, in keeping with the times, he'll appear on billboards wearing an embroidered shirt.
This is the municipal newspaper that future "Nashkraevets" Valery Gnatenko published in 2014, using city funds. "Druzhkovsky Rabochy" helped local residents love Russia.
And here's a purely criminal page from the candidate's biography: four years ago, Marina Sergienko, a close associate of Valery Gnatenko, was brutally murdered. It's no secret to local officials that they were having an affair. 22 stab wounds, six of which were fatal. The victim opened the door and offered strong resistance. Investigators immediately began considering "their own" suspects. Law enforcement officials considered the mayor's adult daughter, a lawyer, as the prime suspect. The day after the murder, the family sent the girl to a resort. The father "resolved matters with the prosecutor's office," and the murder remains unsolved.
Today, Gnatenko is already a "Nash-krayevets" (Our Land) member and has enrolled the cream of Druzhkovka's Ukrainophobes into the new party. The formal leader of the local branch of the new party is the city's leading "woman of the Donetsk People's Republic," who organized rallies against the "Ukrainian punitive forces"—Valentina Lugovaya, director of the local "Intellect" school. Under the slogan "The Ukrainian Army is Killing Us," she promoted patriotic education, and until recently, history lessons were taught to children by Pavel Morozov, the Druzhkovka separatist ideologist who was forced to flee to the "DPR" and is now beating the brains of schoolchildren in Donetsk. Don't miss the speech by Valentina Lugovaya, leader of the Druzhkovka branch of the "Our Land" party, in May 2014:
Number two on the local "Nash-kraevtsy" list is Druzhkovka athlete Yuri Artemov, who, along with the school principal, shouted, "Putin, send in the troops." Furthermore, Artemov doesn't hide the fact that he sent "titushki" (illegal fighters) to the anti-Maidan. Without sensing a trick, he tells a TSN journalist this, because they were doing a good deed, "defending Russo-worldly values"—a sentiment the athlete remains convinced of today.
https://ru.tsn.ua/video/video-novini/aktivistam-udalos-sorvat-nagrazhdenie-separatistov-v-osvobozhdennoy-druzhkovke.html
And third on the "Our Land" list in Druzhkovka is Maksym Bandura, son of the former "DPR Health Minister" Yuri Bandura... Perhaps this is an unfortunate misunderstanding? Absolutely not! Recently, Gnatenko decided to recognize the achievements of "DPR" members Lugovaya and Artemov by granting both the title of "honorary citizen." Now imagine that Lugovaya fosters patriotism in this city, Artemov promotes physical fitness, and Gnatenko continues to lead the way. Recently, both "Our Land" and the Opposition Bloc supported him in the local elections, but Gnatenko cunningly decided to run as an independent. So, does the city have a Ukrainian future with such "leaders"?
But don't think that separatism is a problem exclusive to Donbas. To prove otherwise, it's worth looking into the personality of the all-Ukrainian leader of "Our Land," Anton Kisse, from Odessa.
"Special status" will be useful not only for the Donbass khans, but also for the small kings of the southeast
From Anton Ivanovich's interviews today, you'll learn that separatism in Bessarabia is nothing more than a media hoax, and he himself didn't fan such sentiments, God forbid, but merely drew the center's attention to the problems of southern Odessa. But every resident of Donbas knows: it was precisely by drawing Kyiv's attention to certain "peculiarities" of the Donbas that the bloody path to "special status" began.
They're keeping quiet about it now, but the "Nash Krai" party first made its presence known in the village of Tatarbunary in the Odessa region—on December 20th of last year, at the House of Culture. A little earlier, it had been mercenarily acquired—by MP Anton Kisse. According to the State Registration Service, this organization was founded in August 2011 and was called the "Bloc Party."
The first presentation of "Our Land" was held at a village club. For some reason, Odessans believed it was unlikely to spread beyond Bessarabia (which, in terms of attitudes and mentality, resembles another island of separatism in Transcarpathia).
Odessa law enforcement officials are certain there is a direct connection between the presentation at the village club and the congress of the "People's Council of Bessarabia" on April 6, 2015. The local prosecutor's office believes that the testing of public sentiment regarding the further division of Ukraine and the theft of territory was carried out with the full support of Deputy Kisse.
At a gathering of Ukrainophobes, the idea of "a purely cultural autonomy for Bessarabia within Ukraine" was promoted. On the eve of Maidan, in an interview, Kisse said: "Bulgarians, Gagauz, Old Believers, Albanians, and Moldovans, who populate this region in compact groups, have always been and continue to be with Russia. I can say unequivocally today: the majority of residents of my constituency are aligned with the Russian wave."
Anton Ivanovich wasn't such a fool as to personally convene the "Bessarabian Rada." That was done by his young assistant and editor of the "Topor" portal he financed, Artem Buzila, who wore the St. George's ribbon and supported the "rebellious people of Donbas" in every way.
Artem Buzila supports the protest initiated by Andrei Kovalenko, leader of the Moscow fascist organization "Eurasian Youth Union." Search YouTube for Kovalenko's video, titled "We're Waiting, Can't Wait, for Your Fascist Approval," if anything's unclear.
A separate question is why the SBU didn't find anyone more powerful among the organizers than the 25-year-old editor of the website "Topor," who personally sent out invitations to the meeting of the "People's Council of Bessarabia." But after the separatists' meeting, Buzila's pawn apparently had to be sacrificed. The young man remains in prison, while the website "Topor" (and other anti-Ukrainian websites Buzila managed) is promoting "Nash Krai" and Anton Kisse personally.
The latter is called the Tsar in Bessarabia. One can only congratulate him on the fact that the promotion of his own political force, as an element of blackmail and bargaining with the central government, was not only possible again but also successful. But, unlike the game in Donetsk, it was bloodless. The Bessarabian "infection" has spread beyond the Odessa region so far only in the form of a new party, opening up prospects for pro-Russian mayors.
Incidentally, the ORD website has already reported on how Kisse rose from a tractor driver to the "King of Bessarabia," having been in politics since 1990 and changing his political orientation.
https://ord-ua.com/2012/01/19/kisse-vorobyaninov-golovokruzhitelnaya-karera-odesskogo-reketira/
Locals know that Anton Kisse has a Bulgarian residence permit. And the "Bessarabian Tsar"'s ambitions extend all the way to Mukachevo.
Now let's add some details that have accompanied this politician's itinerary in recent years. In 2012, Kisse ran for election, promising local residents that "the voice of the people of Bessarabia will be heard." During the Maidan, he appealed to Yanukovych, demanding "dispersal by any means necessary." On February 19, 2014, according to pro-Ukrainian activists in Odesa, he paid the "titushki" (illegal hitmen) who beat up Maidan protesters and journalists near the regional administration building.
Reminds me of the history of the occupation of Donbass, doesn't it?
We continue to walk in circles, smashing our foreheads against the "Donbass rake"
Khotlubey, Gnatenko, Kisse... These figures seem to illustrate the dangers of the reincarnation of representatives of the old regime and their consolidation with the new. Doesn't the Supreme Commander-in-Chief, who has harboured the snake in the form of "Our Land," understand this?
"The old regime was supposed to go overboard, but Kuchma's appearance at the Minsk talks proved that the root of the evil hadn't been eradicated—all the oligarchs and politicians who serve the oligarchs came from Kuchma's team," says Luhansk resident Valentyn Torba, author of a book about the occupation of Donbas.
And the former governor of the Odessa region Igor Palitsa posted on his Facebook page, in which he said that the Presidential Administration had taken action against the mayor of Odessa Gennady Trukhanov Pressure is being exerted to force him to join "Our Land", which, according to the strategic plan, should become the basis of the Odessa Regional Council.
Also, according to Palytsa, “Our Region” is financed by an entrepreneur Ivan Avramov, through whom Anton Kisse has connections to the Party of Regions mafia boss Yura Yenakievsky (Ivanyushchenko), a man directly involved in the Maidan murders.
If Ivanyushchenko is indeed the patron of "Our Land" in Odessa, then, as they say in Donetsk, Rinat himself ordered him to be the "overseer" in Donbas. After all, these guys never left Donbas, and the situation in the east has only worsened, if at all, since the Maidan victory.
The separatist game in the Southwest, according to Odessa Governor Saakashvili, is being orchestrated from Moscow. However, Mr. Kisse has taken advantage of this game, reminding Kyiv of his influence in the region.
The problem is that the Maidan protesters considered Petro Poroshenko and his team to be their own, but it turns out that this team is much closer to the bureaucratic-oligarchic gang that led to tragedy for millions of people – taking thousands of lives on both sides, making a third of the population impoverished and homeless, destroying infrastructure across much of the territory, and facilitating the seizure of Crimea.
Is it true that Poroshenko is forcing local officials to join the "Nash Krai" (Our Land) party? Who is the administrative resource working for in the rebellious Donbas? What do the pro-Ukrainian Solidarity activists, who hoped the Presidential Administration would side with them and not with the Anti-Maidan, think about this?
You will learn more about this in part 2 of our investigation.
Tatyana Zarovnaya, especially for ORD
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