"Public figure" Sergei Shakhov – from the breed of which Trotsky spoke – “big and small adventurers are just dirty foam on the crest of great events.”
Here's another quote that fits Mr. Shakhov: "By their fruits you will know them." What are the fruits of the actions of this government official, who claims to be the No. 1 politician, in Luhansk Oblast?
Today in Kadiyevka (the old name of the city of Stakhanov), where Sergei Shakhov and his team reigned before the start of the ATO, the militant Dremov and his “Free Cossack Republic” are raging.
The current capital of Ukrainian-controlled Luhansk Oblast, Severodonetsk, is just an hour's drive from Stakhanov. And here, as a result of Mr. Shakhov's money-laundering campaign, Valentin Kazakov, a member of the Party of Regions, came to power. And with Kazakov came his beloved Opposition Bloc and a group of deputies from Poroshenko's Our Land, led by Shakhov himself. So, this is who "public figure" Shakhov is referring to when he tears his embroidered shirt open, assuring that pro-Ukrainian forces have won in Luhansk Oblast.
Fair elections? No, never heard of it.
On November 25, a small number of Severodonetsk activists protested outside the Luhansk Military-Civil Administration building, demanding an investigation into the bribery of 10 voters and an investigation into the forgery of documents that helped Shakhov replace commission members and falsify the "correct result."
At the same time, they demanded – no more and no less – that those guilty of plundering the Luhansk region, organizing an anti-Ukrainian referendum, and surrendering the region to armed militants be punished.
The picket organizer, Sergei Chub, believes that Sergei Shakhov is involved in all these events. For some reason, he directs his dissatisfaction toward the head of the Luhansk region, Georgy Tuka.
"When Tuka was appointed to our team, there were a lot of loud statements about recruiting new people and focusing on patriots. Now it's clear that by 'patriots' they meant people from the past—the kind of 'true friends' who don't need enemies," the activist says.
According to Chub, the newly elected deputy of the Severodonetsk City Council, Sergei Shakhov, should be handled by the SBU's Department "T" (Department for the Protection of National Statehood and the Fight against Terrorism).
However, the accusations against the head of the Luhansk administration are not entirely fair. Tuka inherited the region along with imposed personnel and a mountain of long-standing problems. The governor only recently managed to get rid of his deputy, Oleksandr Holub, a protégé of Yefremov, from the Party of Regions. He also secured the resignation of Police General Anatoly Naumenko (who was suspected of ties to the "LNR" and now also of involvement in the murder of volunteer Andrew).
But Shakhov turned out to be too much for Tuka...
The Presidential Administration has already entrusted Seryoga-Poltinnik (one of Shakhov's nicknames) with overseeing elections in Luhansk Oblast three times. And they were satisfied with the results, even though the same corrupt old women who voted for the separatist referendum in May 2014 voted for "Our Land" and Shakhov's protégé, Valentin Kazakov, a member of the Party of Regions, in Severodonetsk.
Administrative resources helped those who were confused "make the right choice." For example, in the Borovskoye village council, residents were warned that only those who voted for Mayor Kazakov and Shakhov's parliamentary group would receive a subsidy certificate.
On November 14, the “day of silence” before the decisive vote, Shakhov treated his corrupt electorate to champagne at the Palace of Culture.
"The land was sold for next to nothing. Our deputies will return the land to the city! The people should receive rent," this "presidential overseer" campaigned for himself and the mayor from the Party of Regions (see video).
Interestingly, the land was sold to Azot during Valentin Kazakov's mayoral term. The deal was a boon for Firtash, the chemical plant owner, but resulted in multi-million dollar losses for the treasury. Criminal proceedings have now been opened for abuse of office. But this didn't stop Valentin Kazakov, the "Party of Regions manager," from being elected for a second term.
While Shakhov promised, so to speak, to return the land to the peasants and the factories to the workers, disappointed patriots protested outside the city's community center with a homemade banner: "I'm not selling out! I want the city to live."
The Animal's Mouth Was Shut (A Story of Sworn Friends)
Given Shakhov's previous experience, it's not hard to guess his immediate plans. In Stakhanov, as a rank-and-file city council member, he pulled Mayor Yuriy Borisov's strings. He'll likely try to become a shadow mayor in Severodonetsk as well.
The logic is clear: Shakhov is investing in elections – Shakhov wants to make a profit.
Yuriy Borisov, a representative of Vitrenko's marginal party, became mayor of Stakhanov thanks to the notorious "Shakhov fifty-kopeck piece" (Shahov estimated one vote to be worth 50 hryvnia in 2010). For a couple of years after the election, the mayor and his campaign sponsor lived happily ever after.
But for the last 1,5 years, while Shakhov has been building a career as a "public figure and volunteer," his godfather Borisov has been in the Starobelsk pretrial detention center.
The charges against him are extremely serious. Under Part 3 of Article 110 of the Criminal Code of Ukraine ("Encroachment on the territorial integrity of Ukraine, committed by a government official, resulting in death"), Borisov faces up to 12 years in prison.
The former mayor responded to our first publication dedicated to Shakhov: Elections Shakhov-Style: Poroshenko's Luhansk Dead End . Borisov handed over two letters from prison.
But first, a little history of the Borisov-Shakhovsky reign of Stakhanov.
The displaced people who are now plentiful in Severodonetsk say that the destruction of the central streets, high-rise buildings without heat or water, and a stolen tram prepared Stakhanov for war.
The first act of the Shakhov-Borisov tandem was to decommission trams and trolleybuses and dismantle 18 kilometers of tram tracks. A similar fate befell neighboring Bryanka. The so-called Shakhov social buses replaced the transit buses, essentially completing the corporate takeover of the city's routes.
Borisov claims that he did not manage to enrich himself during his time as city leader, and lived with his wife and adopted daughter in a two-room apartment that he inherited.
Shakhov, in his desire to control the situation, became the stuff of jokes. He would even suggest to the education department that the school principal be replaced with a "clever" physical education teacher. And former utility workers still can't forget how Shakhov once called them to a work meeting at 2 a.m. in a state resembling a drug-induced delirium.
A dark side ran between the friends in 2012, when Shakhov decided to run for parliament and, running in a single-member constituency, crossed the Party of Regions' aksakals. While the police had previously turned a blind eye to his "eccentricities," they were now given the order to "sic 'em."
Borisov was faced with a choice. He supported Efremov's team, and a criminal case was opened against Shakhov.
This gives Shakhov grounds to claim that he fell victim to persecution under Yanukovych. Although before 2012, Shakhov often used portraits of himself with Viktor Fedorovich for self-promotion, and presented himself as his relative.
The team's law enforcement officers were prevented from prosecuting Shakhov for money laundering. However, he was placed on the wanted list for hooliganism and knowingly making a false report of a crime.
Incidentally, Stakhanov's former police chief had amassed a good amount of material on Shakhov. At one point, he complained to friends that Shakhov's "protection" was preventing him from implementing operational information.
However, security forces arrested 37 participants in the financial pyramid organized by Shakhov. "Fifty" himself was forced to flee to Russia. Moreover, he was assisted in this by the notorious Igor Bezler (aka the terrorist "Bes" and, in 2012, a representative of "Shakhov's team").
The showdown between the former friends took place at the 55th session of the Stakhanov City Council, on the last day of February 2014.
Shakhov reproached Borisov for "quickly changing his tune"—he was on Yanukovych's team just yesterday, and now he's with the "junta." Borisov also called Shakhov one of those "because of whom there are Maidans in the country."
"When we say there's no money in the treasury, you understand that the money isn't coming into the treasury because it's being exported abroad by the kilogram," Borisov declared at that controversial session.
Borisov was in on the case. In 2009, while attempting to cross the Russian border, a car registered to Borisov himself was detained at Ukrainian customs. Shakhov was transporting $4,5 million in cash in it. When customs officers stopped the shipment, Shakhov was forced to admit it was his money. Why he hadn't been jailed yet remains a mystery.
"A crook who can't tell the people where these millions came from! In 2011, he declared 1,800,000 hryvnias, but the 2012 election campaign cost him 120 million!" Borisov denounced in front of hundreds of people.
"Animal, shut your mouth," Shakhov responded to the mayor's speech (see video).
Several months later, Borisov was kidnapped in Berdyansk by Lyashko's radicals. Borisov's godfather, Shakhov, provided the tip for this "arrest."
An interesting detail: when Azov fighters similarly detained Donetsk City Council Secretary Sergei Bogachev (whose role in the Donbas separatism is well-known) in Berdyansk, the order came from Kyiv to release him. Borisov, however, had no defenders and was perfectly suited to be the scapegoat.
According to the Stakhanovite mayor, Sergei Shakhov was present during the illegal interrogation conducted by Igor Mosiychuk. Borisov claims he was beaten, had a bag placed over his head, and was threatened with death.
“I warned you,” Shakhov gloated.
In this video, Borisov talks about the leadership role of Yefremov, Pristyuk, and Tikhonov in fomenting separatism. And Mosiychuk brings Mayor Borisov to his knees.
"Response" from Borisov: Who stood at the origins of the Stakhanovite "Cossack Republic"?
Now I quote the message received from Borisov, a copy of which was sent to the SBU, the RNBO, the Ministry of Defense, the Ministry of Internal Affairs, and the Prosecutor General's Office:
“I want to tell you about the facts that have become known to me, and about the Anti-Terrorist Operation. Separatist and terrorist groups can be found in the Stakhanov area. The rest of the warehouse can be entered from the point. "Cossacks". One of the other members and leaders of the “Cossacks” was previously convicted more than once (including for crimes related to violence) Fateev Volodymyr Illich, born in 1960 (Fateev headed the Stakhanov TTU, as a result of which TTU was ordered to live for a long time, and the road was cleared for Shakhov’s vehicles - approx..). Fatiev V. I. є the father of the huge “cossack” organizations of the city of Stakhanov and t.z. “self-defense” (this includes “athletes”). Fatiev V. I. He was also a deputy of the Stakhanovskaya Municipality and a member of the Party of Regions. Fatiev V. I. Vіdomy in the place and in the middle under the names (nicknames) “Frol”, “Solstolobik”.
In the heart of the cob the lime of the in-line rock Fatiev V. I. I have had multiple personal and telephone contacts with a citizen named Mykola Sorokotyaga (the police base says that Mykola Sorokotyaga, who is the deputy head of the Ecotrans utility company, was convicted of possession and sale of narcotic drugs,” author’s note), who is also a local citizen and absolutely responsible for the organization of separatist checkpoints in the city of Stakhanov (security of people, their change, rudeness, education, food, payment, etc.).
The citizen Fatiev and the citizen Sorokotyaga are one of the organizers and supporters of separatist activity in the city of Stakhanov, between them there is an interconnection and interdependence. sleeping comforts.
In the town of Stakhanov, the giant Gomenyuk Galina Dmitrivna is also procrastinating (contact details are indicated - author's note), who is t.z. Shakhov’s “foreman”, organizer of rallies for Shakhov, and fights a hundred days with Fatiev and Sorokotyaga.
In the town of Stakhanov, there is an active organization of the Church of the Moscow Patriarchate, whose leader is Zhuchenko Oleksandr Viktorovich (one of Shakhov’s most odious deputies in the Stakhanov City Council, the letter indicates his contact details - author’s note). The main task of the organization is to mobilize the religiously-informed population at mass gatherings (religious walks, prayer services) in the interests of the “LPR” separatists, organize persecution and discredit Ukrainian Orthodox Church of the Kiev Patriarchate, etc.
The designated individuals are directly responsible for the organization of separatist activities in the city of Stakhanov.
The financing of all these activities is carried out by the “local oligarch” with a claim to a politician on a political scale, the citizen Sergei Volodymyrovich Shakhov (contact details are indicated – author’s note). The skin of these individuals has immediate contact with S.V. Shakhovim (the remaining authorities are actively especially focused on the skin of the “underlings” in telephone and visual modes), which can be easily verified by analyzing telephone transfers.
Shakhov Sergei Volodimirovich has a high insight and ability to “lay eggs in the carnage of a cat”, which involves “maneuvering” in different areas and is lost to the unfinished for any minds.
In addition, Shakhov S.V. tries to look like a “patriot of Ukraine”, and, being one of the active organizers of the separatist movement in Luhansk region, he does not lose his business from his services “in cash”, being one of the absolute leaders in Denmark galuzi".
Citizens of "Free Cossackia" testify against Borisov
Borisov is being blamed for the referendum. Although I couldn't find a single video online of him giving speeches in support of the "republic," calling for protests against the "junta," or inviting Putin. Although there are numerous videos of outrageous anti-Ukrainian speeches by the same deputy from Shakhov's group, Alexander Zhuchenko.
Borisov's role in holding the referendum is nothing compared to the role of mayors Serhiy Kravchenko (Luhansk) and Oleksandr Lukyanchenko (Donetsk), who escaped responsibility. Of course, this is no excuse, but Borisov held the referendum strictly following the instructions of Yefremov, who recently had his electronic bracelet removed (read: Finita la comédia: Yefremov's bracelet was removed, and soon he will be white and fluffy).
"I'm sitting in my office," says Borisov, describing his participation in Stakhanovite separatism, "when a crowd of populist members with machine guns comes in. They say, 'We'll sit here.' I give up my seat: 'Sit, but we have some problems—we need to fix the road, patch the sewers, pay the schools...' They think about it and say, 'Well, you work, and we'll find somewhere else.' They leave and cross the road to the police station, where they're let in. And then they charge me: 'Why didn't they arrest you?'"
To support his words, Borisov sent a document that speaks of the lack of response from law enforcement agencies:
Four witnesses are testifying against Borisov—the very same former local deputies from "Shakhov's team," nicknamed "shahids," who continue to commit atrocities in "free Kazakia." It appears that the separatist is being accused of all-separatism by separatists who are wanted in Ukraine and maintain close ties to Shakhov.
"At the time of the 'membership referendum,' there was a police chief, a city SBU officer, and a prosecutor in Stakhanov," Yuriy Borisov defends himself. "Not a single one said a bad word about me. And they're all in office. The prosecutor is the acting prosecutor of the Popasnyansky district, the SBU officer holds a similar position, and the police chief is in charge of the Ternopil region... I'm the only one left holding the bag. Shakhov is nowhere to be seen."
Sergey Shakhov and the "Luhansk People's Republic"
Many Stakhanovites are convinced that Shakhov also played a role in the creation of the “Luhansk People’s Republic.”
It's common knowledge that on April 6, 2014, several groups from Stakhanov were the first to enter the SBU headquarters in the Luhansk region. Shakhov negotiated with the invaders in much the same way Rinat Akhmetov did in Donetsk, explaining that "Kyiv must hear the voice of the people of Luhansk."
We found one of the influential Stakhanovites who has known Shakhov for over 10 years, knows the money changer's patrons, and now lives in the capital.
He told ORD his version of the events of the spring of 2014 in Lugansk (with a request not to use his name):
"In February 2014, many in Luhansk feared retribution after the Maidan victory. They were looking for someone to stage a rebellion to blackmail Kyiv. When Russia got involved, it became clear that the blackmail was heading in the wrong direction, and the original plan fell through.
But in April, they thought it would be like 2004—when Yushchenko struck a deal with Yefremov and surrendered the region. Shakhov was hoping to bargain with Kyiv for a place for himself, while Yefremov was fighting Ukraine in his own way. Shakhov's goal was to fake a takeover. But Yefremov went further, bringing in Russian passports, and so on.
Back in the winter, Shakhov was driving Stakhanovites to the Anti-Maidan protests and funding the "Russian World" in Stakhanov. He paid, ironically, his usual rate of 50 hryvnias per day. Those sent to the Anti-Maidan protests in Luhansk were paid four times that amount.
It was said that Shakhov financed the group of former military officer Alexei Relke, who now lives in Germany and who then led the "Army of the Southeast." Shakhov paid $50 for the assault, hoping to play the role of a brilliant negotiator who would lead the protesters out.
This spring, it became known that Relke had donated medical care to the Stakhanov Central City Hospital. He grew up in our city but held a German passport and later moved to Germany. His second wife worked at the hospital. The hospital believes Shakhov helped Relke overcome his difficult financial situation.
Senior partners Topolov and Ivanyushchenko
How did a poorly educated money changer manage to create the most powerful "envelope" in the Luhansk region and make the leap from Yanukovych's "washing machine" to a member of Poroshenko's team?
In his second letter, Borisov, who is sitting in prison, tells how Shakhov managed to obtain a diploma.
“Behind the publicly expanded biographical information, Shakhov S. V. in 2011 graduated from the National Academy of Law named after Yaroslav the Wise and graduated from the specialty of Master of Law (Legal Studies). I inform you that, based on the evidence revealed to me, S.V. Shakhov did not pay for the specified deposit, did not attend classes, did not attend seminars, etc. Deputy Shakhov S.V., the classes and seminars were conducted by another person (a student named Anton, similar to Shakhov S.V.). On the back book of Shakhov S.V. (as preserved in the materials of the initial deposit) there is not a photograph of Shakhov S.V., but of the person who instead of him helped to drink that hall.”
"Community activist and volunteer" Shakhov likes to tell journalists that he lost his entire business in Stakhanov, but that raises the question: how is he thriving today? What income did he use to shower Severodonetsk with cash during the 2015 local elections?
"Shakhov had a law firm called Rim in Stakhanov, but he never ran a completely clean business. He only cashed out—in the heaviest and most gargantuan amounts. His business began with VAT refund fraud with Azarov's help. Then Shakhov began a joint venture with bankers. The first was Alexander Stetsenko, then Shakhov struck up a friendship with a banker. Viktor Topolov (the founder of Nadra Bank),” the source said.
Viktor Topolov is better known not as a banker, but as a former millionaire coal minister. He is a member of the so-called "Orange Team" in Luhansk Oblast and was named the richest resident of the region in 2008.
According to the source, it was Topolov who helped Shakhov take the step from Yanukovych's inner circle to Poroshenko's inner circle.
"Viktor Semenovich (Topolov) has been on Poroshenko's team since the days of Our Ukraine. They have a long-standing and very good relationship. But he doesn't participate in politics directly, but through people like Shakhov. For people like Topolov, Shakhov did the dirtiest work—not just laundering illegal profits. You could say Topolov was Shakhov's senior partner. I know of one of their joint businesses: in Stakhanov, there's a mine called Myronivska Glubokaya, one of the richest. Topolov and Shakhov bought the land, along with its natural resources. When the Maidan opened up political prospects for Shakhov that the Family had denied him, his "senior partner," Topolov, advised him to help the ATO fighters to clear his reputation," says a former fellow countryman of Topolov and Shakhov.
There is also this opinion: in 2012, Shakhov went against the Party of Regions not alone, but with the tacit support of Ivanyushchenko and his partner Avramov, who were trying to fight for spheres of influence within the Party of Regions.
Yuri Ivanyushchenko and Ivan Avramov There were scams with Pervomayskugol, Lisichanskugol, and Luganskugol, and today, as they believe in the Luhansk region, they continue to control these state-owned enterprises.
The version of Shakhov's connection with Ivanyushchenko-Avramov is confirmed by his work in "Our Land", one of whose sponsors is said to be Avramov.
Those who know Shakhov closely are sure that this man has no convictions.
"He has a pact with Lucifer. Money is his god. Even in the old days, Shakhov worked simultaneously – for the Party of Regions and the Orange Opposition, for clients needing cash-out services and for those who robbed them, for the criminal underworld and for law enforcement, to whom he reported information. Providing assistance to ATO volunteers and simultaneously supporting the Stakhanovite Cossacks – for him, there's no contradiction," our source believes.
The Case of the Theft of Credit, or Water off a Duck
Poroshenko was warned against getting involved with Shakhov long before he became president. And who knows, maybe it would have been possible to defend Donbas back then?
As a reminder, Tatyana Chornovol's investigation called for not relying on the Stakhanovite bandit from the "Yenakiyevo organized crime group," who makes his living laundering the Family's stolen goods.
In the summer of 2014, participants in the Luhansk Euromaidan protests addressed Poroshenko: "He sent people to the Kyiv anti-Maidan protests; armed separatists entered Stakhanov with his financial support; his views were anti-Ukrainian until he fell out with Oleksandr Yefremov and Volodymyr Prystyuk over his business interests. Shakhov's appointment (the discussion then concerned candidates for the post of head of the regional administration – author's note) would be a betrayal of the Maidan." Among other activists, the late hero Temur Yuldashev signed this letter.
And at the end of last summer, ZIK journalists uncovered a bizarre scam involving the theft of funds allocated by the European Investment Bank. Ukraine was given a €4,6 million loan for a power grid reconstruction project. But the Ministry of Finance ordered the funds to be transferred to Artem Pshonka's bank, BG Bank, which soon went bankrupt.
Before its final collapse, the bank managed to change hands (to Svoboda sponsor Pups) and withdraw its assets. The state-owned enterprise Ukrenergo (which was the intended recipient of the loan) managed to extort a million euros from the bank. The remaining 3,5 million euros were stolen, and the state will have to repay the loan and interest.
Journalists discovered Sergei Shakhov's associates among those involved in the deal. They suspected that he helped the new government complete the crime begun by the old government. This was especially true because BG Bank's office, like Shakhov's, is located in the same luxurious building owned by Artem Pshonka.
This time, Stirlitz was closer to failure than ever before.
In early autumn, as part of an investigation into the theft of bank funds, Shakhov's office was searched and a currency conversion center was inadvertently uncovered. Seals of fictitious companies located in Moscow, Crimea, and the fake "republics" were seized, as well as documents suspecting Shakhov of smuggling currency into the occupied territories. Investigators came to the conclusion that Shakhov's "cashing" business was not only thriving, but was financing terrorism. But the office owner got out of it again, shifting the blame to his front men in Donetsk and Luhansk.
The reaction to the latest scandal was traditional: a wave of "jeans" materials about the "glorious volunteer" from Stakhanov swept through the media.
This "courtier" likely has a license to commit daring crimes. But his fellow countrymen laugh when they hear Sergei Vladimirovich introduced as the leader of a public organization with the grandiose name "People's Trust."
Trust in the President in Luhansk is waning in proportion to the growing influence of such modern-day heroes as Shakhov.
Tatyana Zarovnaya, ORD
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