By effectively returning Ukrnafta to state ownership, the Verkhovna Rada has taken a very important step for the country. Not only will the state now receive hundreds of millions of dollars in additional revenue, previously pocketed by Ihor Kolomoisky, but also because this vote provides an opportunity to determine with a high degree of accuracy who in parliament is lobbying for the Dnipropetrovsk oligarch's interests. At least, that's what MPs Serhiy Leshchenko and Volodymyr Parasyuk believe.
If this continues, Igor Kolomoisky will have few concerns other than being governor.
Following amendments to the Law "On Joint-Stock Companies" (regarding the quorum for general meetings of joint-stock companies with majority state corporate rights), holding a shareholder meeting requires 10% less than 60% plus 1 share. The old rule allowed Kolomoisky to appoint his own people as Ukrnafta managers and derive profits from the company without sharing them with the budget (the state's losses over the past four years are estimated at at least UAH 1,8 billion).
Maintaining control came at a cost to Kolomoisky. During his trial with Viktor Pinchuk in London, Ihor Kolomoisky revealed that he paid $5 million a month into Kuchma's "special fund" for the right to control Ukrnafta's management. In total, he spent $100 million on this. Despite his difficult relationship with Yanukovych, Kolomoisky never lost control of the company even during his presidency. After the ouster of the former "guarantor," Andriy Ivanchuk, a close associate of Yatsenyuk and Kolomoisky's own business partner, became Ihor Valerievich's main ally.
In parliament, Ivanchuk assumed the position of head of the Economic Policy Committee, where he blocked four (!) bills successively that would have reduced the quorum to 50% + 1 share (the state's shareholding in Ukrnafta; Kolomoisky's stake is 42%). The fifth time, only blackmail from Oleh Lyashko, who threatened to leave the coalition (the quorum reduction was stipulated in the coalition agreement), was successful.
It's also noteworthy that after the new Rada was elected, Kolomoisky, according to FaceNews sources in parliament, was eager to secure a committee on energy policy, but that didn't work out. Clearly, Kolomoisky was specifically interested in protecting Ukrnafta from attacks.
Of the 82 People's Front deputies, only 13 supported the bill, including former journalist Serhiy Vysotsky, Cossack Mykhailo Havrilyuk, and former Cabinet Commissioner for Anti-Corruption Policy Tatyana Chornovol. Maidan Commandant Andriy Parubiy, who is not formally a member of the faction but is in fact affiliated with it, also voted in favor.
Ivanchuk, too, pulled his card out of the terminal right before the vote, automatically changing his status from "did not vote" to "absent." Sergey Pashinsky did the same. But the leader of the "Front" faction, Andriy Teteruk, inexperienced, pressed the "abstain" button.
Kolomoisky will still fight—the law leaves some room for manipulation, but that will be in the next episode. For now, we've responded to Parasyuk and Leshchenko's call and compiled a list of deputies showing who voted how. Similar to the list of deputies who voted for the laws on January 16.
192 friends of Igor Kolomoisky
Based on those who did not support the bill, FaceNews compiled a list of Ihor Kolomoisky's friends in the Rada. It's possible that his friends also include those who dislike the oligarch and, for example, were ill or unable to attend the vote on election day for other reasons (like Nadiya Savchenko). However, most of these people are either genuinely connected to Kolomoisky or do not wish to jeopardize their relationship with him.
So, here is the list, according to the Verkhovna Rada website.
"Front" - yes, "Self-Reliance" - no
Thus, the People's Front has practically signed up to be dependent on Kolomoisky. Of the entire faction, only a small group led by Parubiy dared to speak out against Kolomoisky. Tetyana Chornovol asserts that the majority of the faction's abstention is not due to Kolomoisky, but to the shortcomings of the bill.
Samopomich, however, turned out to be less dependent on Kolomoisky than previously assumed (although there's a small chance the party is playing a more subtle game). Although Donbas Battalion commander Semyon Semenchenko, often referred to as Kolomoisky's man, was absent from the floor during the vote, his battalion comrades Pavlo Kishkar, Natalia Veselova, and Yaroslav Markevich supported the bill.
Also striking is the positive vote of half of the Opposition Bloc, which is explained by the conflict between the Firtash-Levochkin group and Kolomoisky (in the media space, this leads to the Inter channel throwing mud at Kolomoisky, and 1+1 at Firtash or Levochkin).
Lyashko's lobbying for the anti-Kolomoisky bill is also connected to the long-running feud between the politician and the oligarch. After the vote, Oleh Valerievich texted the Dnipropetrovsk governor: "Well, did you really creep up on me, really?!" To which Kolomoisky responded: "They say faggots are mostly talented people. But with your stupidity, you've managed to become the dumbest faggot among faggots!" He advised Lyashko to learn the ropes, i.e., read the bill before writing it.
To be continued.
Subscribe to our channels on Telegram, Facebook , Twitter , VK - Only new faces from the SKLEP section!