Spots in the biographies of Supreme Court judges who successfully passed lustration.
The publication "The Court Laughs in Our Faces" has sparked widespread controversy. This is understandable: Ukraine's judicial corps has completely compromised itself, and only the judges themselves "fail to notice." And those for whom "pocket" judges and courts have become instruments for plundering our state.
President Petro Poroshenko believes that the judicial corps is generally healthy, but we don't think so.
As an example, we decided to examine the personalities of 16 judges of the Criminal Chamber of the Supreme Court of Ukraine. These judges have undergone the so-called lustration check; judges—the best of the best, whose biographies must be exemplary. Today, we are publishing the results of our "research" on the first eight judges on the list.
Sad.
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1. Judge Svetlana Mikhailovna Vus is a career judge, meaning she has spent her entire working life in the justice system. She has no negative media reputation.
A participant in a high-profile scandal related to the acquisition of land confiscated from Chernobyl victims into private ownership (details below, in the section dedicated to Supreme Court Judge N. Korotkevich).
2. Leonid Fedorovich Gloss – from the blue-collar: since 1969, his work biography has been inextricably linked with Workshop No. 5 of the Kommunist Production Association (Kyiv), where the diligent worker was recognized by senior comrades and "elected" (i.e. appointed) secretary of the workshop's Komsomol organization in 1977. And already from 1981 to 1988, he headed the party organization (CPSU) of the same workshop, simultaneously rising to the position of deputy head of the workshop. In 1989, at the height of Perestroika, when the Communist Party was rapidly losing its position in society, party functionary L. Gloss transferred to work ... in the Dneprovsky District Court of Kyiv, from where he soon moved to the Appellate Court of Kyiv.
Judge Leonid Gloss, while serving as deputy chairman of the Kyiv Court of Appeals, released Interior Ministry General Oleksiy Pukach, the murderer of journalist G. Gongadze, from custody in 2003. The general was accused not of murdering the journalists, but "merely" of destroying documents related to the case—secret reports from the so-called "surveillance" operation that Pukach oversaw. This allowed Pukach to escape, but Gloss himself soon rose to prominence, becoming a Supreme Court judge. And now he's undergone lustration scrutiny. And he'll go on to "serve" the people of Ukraine. In theory, Ukraine's security services should be interested in whom Gloss truly serves, since the touching care of Pukach, who clearly worked for the Russian security services, merited a thorough background check and background check of this judge. But in practice...
A participant in the same land scandal as Judge Svetlana Vus.
3. Judge Tatyana Vladimirovna Goshovskaya – came to the judicial system from the bar, where she worked for 10 years. She is one of the few Supreme Court judges with a clear public civic position.
4. Judge Vladimir Viktorovich Zagolnyi is a career judge. Interestingly, in 2011, the only daughter of a Supreme Court judge, Yana Goldnaya, successfully passed the High Qualification Commission of Judges and became a judge—such is the judicial dynasty*.
5. Judge Galina Vladimirovna Kanygina – became a judge in 1992, joining the judicial branch from the Luhansk Oblast Prosecutor's Office; a judge of the Supreme Court of Ukraine since December 2006, effectively following the ruling in the "Aleksandrov case" (details below). This judge's daughter, Tatyana Kanygina, also successfully passed the High Qualification Qualification Commission (HQC) examination in 2011 and became a judge. Another judicial dynasty.
Judge Kanygina is known as the presiding judge in the staged trial of the murder of Ukrainian MP Yevhen Shcherban and former head of the National Bank of Ukraine Vadym Hetman. This high-profile case was essentially fabricated by Russian intelligence agents in Ukraine, drawn from the Prosecutor General's Office and the Security Service of Ukraine (SBU). Unsurprisingly, the judges of the Luhansk Court of Appeal, where the case was heard, did not bother with the "stretched lines" and numerous factual and logical inconsistencies in the case. They delivered the result demanded by the organizers of the murders of Yevhen Shcherban and Vladimer Hetman. In other words, they carried out an obvious order, burying the truth.
(Details of this case can be found in the publications "The Shcherban Case" has become the "Tymoshenko Case." In fact, this is a case of Russian special services. The false witness "Bald" is a greeting from the FSB from the 90s. Puppet Masters. Bandits and murders in Ukraine are covered up by generals, saboteurs and accomplices. Putin must answer. And Putin will answer! Significantly, during the invasion of Ukraine, Russia stole criminal cases from Ukraine on the crimes of the Donetsk gang "Lux" – to cover up the traces of its special services. And the only living witness in the case – Shcherban's killer, Russian hitman Vadim Bolotskikh – escaped during the storming of the Slavyanoserbsk prison colony during the Russian invasion of Donbas – in fact, his escape was facilitated.)
For the sake of objectivity, it should be noted that in July 2006, under President Viktor Yushchenko, the same Judge Kanygina sentenced members of the "17th Precinct" gang, who brutally murdered journalist Igor Alexandrov, director of the TOR television company, in 2001. They also terrorized the city of Slavyansk and the surrounding area. However, according to the outraged prosecution, the judges of the Luhansk Court of Appeals effectively saved the leaders of this brutal gang—brothers Alexander Rybak and Dmitry Rybak, the mastermind and organizer of the murder, respectively. Instead of a life sentence, the former received 15 years in prison and the prospect of release, albeit a slow one. The latter received 11 years in prison, although as the organizer of the murder, he should have received more than the perpetrator (who received 12 years in prison). Moreover, the verdict against this gang had no impact on the position of the Donetsk organized crime group "Lux", which the "outlaws" from the "17th Precinct" were structurally part of – both the investigation and the court carefully avoided this topic...
In other words, Judge Galina Kanygina, a former prosecutor, skillfully navigated the demands of those at the top for the "truth in the case"—to the detriment of that very truth. This had a beneficial effect on the judge's career, but to the detriment of the Ukrainian state.
It's worth noting that the perpetrators of the "Shcherban case" and the "Hetman case" certainly didn't let the judicial proceedings of these high-profile criminal cases slide, carefully selecting the judge to legitimize the results of the "investigation." And former prosecutor Kanygina fully justified the "puppeteers'" trust, never questioning the prosecution's interpretation of events. Journalists laughed at this right in the courtroom—it was all so blatantly fabricated...
6. Judge Marina Robertovna Klimenko, a career judge, has served as a judge of the Supreme Court of Ukraine since 2005. She began her career at the Radyansky People's Court of Kyiv. She was implicated in a "land scandal" in which several Supreme Court judges acquired land plots in Kyiv that had been confiscated from their long-standing owners, ordinary citizens.
7. Judge Yelizaveta Ivanovna Kovtyuk came to the judicial system from the Komsomol: she worked as the head of the accounting and finance sector of the district Komsomol committee. In 1982, at the age of 28, she graduated from the Kharkov Law Institute and became a judge of the Khotyn People's Court (Chernivtsi Oblast). She has served in the Supreme Court of Ukraine since 2008. Today, she leads the so-called "Chernivtsi clan" in the higher court system of Ukraine.
Her name, in particular, is associated with a high-profile scandal involving the protection of a bribe-taking judge from E. Kovtyuk's native Chernivtsi Court of Appeal, to which Elizaveta Ivanovna devoted 16 years of her working life.
Quote: "The meeting of the High Qualification Commission of Judges on August 18, 2015, at which the consideration of the issues of the removal and extension of the suspension of seven judges from office was announced, ended traditionally for Chernivtsi Court of Appeal Judge Lyubov Perepelyuk: her question was postponed. This is the fourth time... This question had previously been postponed on May 19, June 8, and June 24 of this year. The first time was because "the judge was not properly notified of the date, time, and place of the hearing of this matter, since, according to the chairman of the Chernivtsi Regional Court of Appeal, she was on annual leave." This is precisely what the head of the secretariat of the High Qualification Commission of Judges of Ukraine, A.G., reported in writing. Ponomarenko responded to a collective petition from citizens of Chernivtsi and the Chernivtsi region dated May 13, 2015, regarding the removal of Lyubov Matveyevna Perepelyuk from her position as a judge of the Chernivtsi Oblast Court of Appeals (outgoing No. Ko-8369/15 dated June 19, 2015). The reasons for the subsequent postponements of this matter are still unknown. However, the specific collective petition the Bukovinians sent to the High Qualification Commission of Judges is known. After all, they sent similar petitions to the Chairman of the Security Service of Ukraine and individual members of parliament. And it not only addresses the issue of judicial liability but also, to a certain extent, provides answers as to why such liability does not apply. We present excerpts from the aforementioned collective appeal, which was compiled by seven signatories—people who consider themselves victims of Judge Perepelyuk's unjust decisions (we retain the original letter's style, the receipt of which is confirmed by the stamp on it):
“On the website of the High Qualification Commission of Judges we read that on May 19, 2015. There will be a meeting of the commission, which will consider the issue of third-party judges and swindlers Perepelyuk L.M. in connection with criminal attractions. Ale we are very proud of the drive of the decided commission, since the deputy head of the commission is our fellow countryman Patryuk Mikola Vasilyovich, who will do his best to contribute to the resolve of the commission. Perepelyuk L.M. Vin z Perepelyuk L.M. even in close ties and a lot of fates, having worked with her in the Chernivetsky Court of Appeal. We would also like to inform you that the deputy judge in Perepelyuk L.M. Our dear judge of the Supreme Court is Elizaveta Ivanivny Kovtyuk. The habarnitsa knows who the brothers need to help ensure that the decisions are such as are required by the Supreme Courts of Ukraine.
And for the simple cross-border townsfolk of our region, it’s an impenetrable wall because of such a masterfully crafted ship vertical. Patryuk M.V. together from Kovtyuk E.I. They worked first in the Khotynsky district court of the Chernivetsky region, then at once moved to the Chernivetsky appeal court and became colleagues and friends of Perepelyuk L.M., and then at the same time - judges of the Supreme Court of Ukraine. Patryuk M.V. є marked by a person in right. Therefore, we ask you to confirm this fact and make every effort to ensure that the decision of the commission is what the law requires. Deputy Head of the Chernivetsky Court of Appeal.
REQUEST: Read our sheet at the meeting of the committee. Do not allow the commission to make a decision so that the swindler judge is deprived of the court and then decides our destinies and shares. Check the reliability of the facts presented in our book.
May 13, 2015
So, the answer to the question of why our ill-fated judge has not been suspended from work for the third time may be a consequence of the facts presented in the letter of the victims to the SBU...
8. Mykola Yevgeniyovych Korotkevich – a career judge since 1980, he worked in the Vyshgorod and Brovary People's Courts of the Kyiv Region, and in the Kyiv Regional Court; since 1997, he has been a judge of the Supreme Court of Ukraine. He has not been involved in any high-profile public scandals.
The only blemish on the biography of this Supreme Court judge, like a dozen of his colleagues, is the seizure of a plot of land for private cottage construction on the banks of a bend in the Desna River and its former channel, the Desenka, in Kyiv. This land, given by Kyiv authorities for vegetable gardening and horticulture to displaced persons from the Chernobyl Exclusion Zone after the Chernobyl Nuclear Power Plant accident, was literally given to the Supreme Court of Ukraine by Kyiv City Council Secretary Oles Dovhyi. Ordinary people, who had spent two decades lobbying the city authorities to obtain building rights on these plots, lost everything overnight. And the new owners of the land—with development rights—were hundreds of Ukraine's most influential citizens. To avoid impeding the development, the Kyiv authorities even dismantled the power line running through the area and dug an artificial lake. Supreme Court Judge Mykola Korotkevich is one of the new owners of the land plots confiscated from their fellow citizens. (Details are in the publication: Are the judges “complete scum” or just a few dozen?).
Perhaps it is precisely this generosity of Oles Dovgyi at the expense of the Kyiv community that explains the immunity of the hereditary embezzler in the courts of Ukraine.
* As a reminder, a major scandal erupted in 2011 over the implementation of the so-called "judicial reform" of 2010. Specifically, as part of this "reform," children of high court judges, members of parliament, and other influential figures in the state apparatus became judges en masse. A cursory glance at the top of the ranking list of judicial candidates who successfully passed the qualification exam of the High Qualification Commission of Judges (HQCJ) reveals that the "servants" of Themis were entirely comprised of the "golden youth."
The top spots on the ranking list include Yaroslav Marinchenko, son of administrative judge Viktor Marinchenko of the Supreme Court of Ukraine, and Dmytro Sirosh and Kostyantyn Kobylyansky, sons of Supreme Administrative Court of Ukraine judges Mykola Sirosh and Mykola Kobylyansky. The latter's father also chaired the Council of Administrative Court Judges, which submits proposals to the Supreme Court of Ukraine for appointment to positions as chairpersons of administrative courts across Ukraine.
Igor Masliy, son of Vladimir Masliy, a member and secretary of the High Qualification Commission of Judges, also made it to the top of the ranking list. This suggests a conflict of interest.
This also applied to the son of HQCJ member Viktor Mikulin, Andrey Mikulin, the daughters of HQCJ "inspectors" and former Supreme Court judges Vasyl Kosenko and Valeriy Danchuk, Alena Kosenko and Tatyana Dudar, as well as HQCJ employee Oleksiy Omelyan, who are also at the top of the ranking list.
The family tradition of judging was also carried on by the children of Supreme Court judges Galina Kanygina and Volodymyr Zagolnyi – Tatyana Kanygina and Yana Zagolnyi – as well as Andriy Gosudarsky, the son of the head of the Lviv Regional Court of Appeal, Valentin Gosudarsky.
This "family" group also includes the sons of former Constitutional and Supreme Court judges Nikolai and Alexander Selivon, brothers Artem and Anatoly Selivon, as well as the young wife of former Supreme Commercial Court of Ukraine judge Vladimir Karaban, Yana Karaban.
Yaroslav Vernidubov, son of Ivan Vernidubov, a Party of Regions MP and chairman of one of the Verkhovna Rada subcommittees on combating organized crime and corruption, also had a successful path to becoming a judge. Incidentally, like his father, he honed his legal skills in the prosecutor's office before becoming a judge.
Igor Pogribnichenko, who oversees the SBU from the Kyiv prosecutor's office and has close ties to Pavlo Volk, chairman of the Kyiv District Administrative Court, also entered the judiciary.
Olena Orda, daughter of Oleksandr Orda, a native of Donetsk and Deputy Chairman of the State Property Management Department and a native of the Donetsk region, also received a high passing score from the commission. Diana Tsvira, niece of Mykola Tsvira, Head of the Main Department for Interaction with Law Enforcement Agencies and Justice Agencies of the Kharkiv Regional State Administration, also received a high passing score. And so on.
(To be continued).
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Konstantin Ivanchenko, Argument
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