CONTINUED. BEGINNING: Grigory Tripulsky: Lawyer for Raiders and One-Armed Bandits. PART 1
Grigory Tripulsky: Lawyer for Raiders and One-Armed Bandits. Part 2
And yet, in 2009, especially after the tragedy at the Dnipropetrovsk gaming club , a crackdown on gambling began at the Verkhovna Rada level. Tripulsky, as vice president of the gaming business, tried to defend it as best he could. Initially, he agreed that smaller parlors needed to be closed and gambling concentrated in larger parlors and casinos (Odrex also produces roulette equipment, poker tables, etc.), which was advantageous to Nevada. But when a very strict version of the law was passed, Tripulsky remembered his status as a "patriot" (a member of "Our Ukraine") and declared that the law had been... lobbied for by Russia.
They both heal and cripple
The gambling restriction law passed in 2009 hit Odrex and Nevada hard, forcing their owners to reorganize their businesses. Grigoriy Tripulsky decided to spin off his legal department into a separate firm. He first established Di Borgo Consulting LLC (EDRPOU 35931201) in 2009, where he served as director until 2011 (he later relinquished his stake), and then De-Yure Legal Consulting Company LLC (37476376), where he remains the sole owner and director. The offices of both firms are located at the same address, Raskidaylovskaya 69/71, meaning rumors that Tripulsky allegedly left Kuchuk for Kaufman in 2009 have proven to be nothing more than rumors. This was confirmed by their creation of new joint ventures, such as the insurance company "Odrex" (42013609). Today, Grigory Tripulsky owns at least 16 companies, nine of which are registered at this address.
In 2012, Arutyunyan and Kuchuk entered a new line of business: the Odrex medical center opened in the building at 69/71 Raskidaylovskaya Street, represented by several companies and offering a variety of paid services, including its own ambulance service. Thus, the money earned from gambling was invested in commercial medicine, and the "gambling barons" became respected "doctors." Gradually, the clinic expanded, and its proximity to gaming equipment workshops became inconvenient. However, back in 2008-2009, Odrex had already taken over the former consumer goods factory building at 7 Pochtovaya Street (near Dyukovsky Garden), where it set up its own carpentry workshops to manufacture gaming tables and roulette wheels. Then they began to expand: they removed the roof from the old building (to speed up its deterioration and allow it to be torn down), fenced off a large area around it, and brought in some illegal workers from Moldova. Local residents tried to complain to the police and authorities—they were brushed off with formal replies—and called in journalists for help, but for some reason, the Grad TV channel refused to air the story…
Meanwhile, in 2010, Tripulsky himself organized a puppet public movement, "Forward" (EDRPOU 36919727), which promised to "help the city reach a new economic and cultural level ." But the sole purpose of this charade was to support Gurvits in the local elections (October 2010), which he ultimately lost resoundingly to the Party of Regions and Koktusev.
Problems with his gambling business and the loss of his protection in the city government forced Tripulsky to return to his old ways. According to Skelet.Org , his law firms not only helped debt collectors collect debts from Odessa residents but also participated in the hostile takeover of apartments belonging to single people and pensioners. The most high-profile such incident was the seizure of the apartment of Anatoly Strelyaev , a seventy-year-old (at the time) retired musician who had previously played in the Hobart Earle Orchestra. It all began as a simple squabble over living space: since Strelyaev's apartment wasn't privatized, neighbors had their eye on it, and their relative, Gennady Vergunov, who had arrived, occupied it without permission, installing an iron door. But with the help of other neighbors and the police, Strelyaev defended his home . However, Vergunov didn't give up and enlisted the help of Tripulsky's lawyers, who specialized in such civil cases, and local officials who forged the documents. Specifically, they named Igor Makhortov, who had previously worked as the head of the legal department of the Primorsky District Administration and later became the registrar of the Municipal Enterprise "Registration Service of the Odessa Region," who, together with Tripulsky, "resolved housing issues." Ultimately, the old man was literally thrown out onto the street, where he spent three months. And when the public and journalists raised an uproar, local authorities offered Makhortov another apartment – half the size, essentially a room in a small family apartment (19,8 square meters). But they set a condition: he must provide a certificate stating that Strelyaev had officially vacated the seized apartment. And how would he have obtained this certificate if the raiders had concocted false documents claiming the pensioner didn't live there?
Media reports also indicated that prior to this incident, Tripulsky and Makhortov had seized communal apartments, registering them in the names of front men (supposedly housing office employees), but this scam was uncovered, leading to Makhortov's dismissal from the district administration. Or consider the tragic story of another pensioner who took out a 3000 hryvnia loan through "Bystrodengi." He was unable to repay even that amount, and debt collectors linked to Tripulsky charged him 50 hryvnias in "fines"—driving the old man to suicide.
But after the second Maidan, Tripulsky, who had previously supported the "orange" party, became emboldened, hoping that his old associates and patrons would return to power. He even nearly hit the jackpot when, in 2015-2016, he participated in the competition for the directorship of Ukrspirt, a position he had been promoted to by the former vodka king of Odessa, Boris Kaufman. It was then that Tripulsky acquired the image of "Kaufman's pawn," his personal lawyer, and numerous allegations of their long-standing partnership emerged, although no one ever provided the slightest confirmation. Only one thing was clear: Tripulsky was merely someone else's pawn in this game, perhaps even Kaufman's (why not, they live in the same city), but his role was unclear. In that scandalous competition, which lasted more than a year, Tripulsky distinguished himself only by constantly challenging the commission's decisions and blocking the competition with lawsuits. Maybe that's why he was sent there?
And then came May 2019: Ukrainians elected a new president, and the question of confirming a new head of the Odesa Regional State Administration immediately arose. The position was then being temporarily filled by Serhiy Parashchenko, a former Party of Regions member who had defected to the BPP (sometimes confused with Poroshenko). Suddenly, the media were filled with headlines claiming that Hryhoriy Tripulskyi was allegedly being considered as the number one candidate for the post, and that he was being promoted by the same Kaufman, who had made arrangements with Kolomoisky. This seemed perfectly logical, but the rumors were unfounded: first, acting Parashchenko was replaced by acting Shatalova, and only in October did Maksym Kutsyi, who had no connection to Kolomoisky (rumor has it he's a "Soros child"), become governor of Odesa.
It appears that Zelenskyy hasn't yet found Tripulskyi's appeal as a governor. However, Tripulskyi and his partners at Odrex have shown keen interest in the president's initiative to legalize the gambling industry. He's now dusted off his old credentials as vice president of the Ukrainian Gambling Association, touted his PhD in law (albeit in civil cases), and is persistently trying to offer his advice and recommendations to the authorities.
Sergey Varis, for Skelet.Org
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