Not long ago, we reported on the Vagorovsky brothers and the conflict surrounding the Amstor supermarket chain . Today, we'll explore the other side of this conflict, namely, the oligarch and junior partner of Rinat Akhmetov, owner of Smart Group, Vadim Vladislavovich Novinsky. This Russian businessman, who only acquired Ukrainian citizenship in 2012 by decree of Viktor Yanukovych, has managed to become embroiled in numerous scandals related to corporate raiding, illegal privatization, failure to fulfill investment obligations, and much more. Nevertheless, under all governments, he remains afloat, and his business continues to grow. Despite all upheavals, he remains among the richest people in the world. He also remains involved in politics, serving as a member of the Verkhovna Rada from the Opposition Bloc. What's the secret to such unsinkability? Let's try to figure it out.
Vadim Novinsky. St. Petersburg Connections
Novinsky Vadim Vladislavovich (real name Malkhasyan Vadim Rudolfovich), was born in the city of Staraya Russa, in the Novgorod region, on June 3, 1963.
Having started his career working gas stations in the Leningrad region, Vadim Novinsky rose quickly. He owes his career to three people. The first two are well-known: oligarch Alisher Usmanov and politician Viktor Chernomyrdin. Usmanov introduced Novinsky to the world of big business; his companies, Interfin and V.A. Invest, are behind Novinsky's first major company, Lukoil-Northwest-Nefteproduct. Chernomyrdin, a friend of then-Ukrainian President Leonid Kuchma, introduced Vadim Novinsky to the Ukrainian market. He began supplying Kryvorizhstal and Zaporizhstal. It's fair to say that it was through their efforts that Novinsky even appeared on the Ukrainian market. The third person, however, who played a significant role in Vadim Novinsky's life, remains a mysterious figure. This is his partner, the very private businessman Andrey Klyamko. He's a true "St. Petersburger." He's connected to the so-called Tambov organized crime group, which Vladimir Putin also had ties to during his time as a St. Petersburg mayor's office official. But he's also connected to Vladimir Putin as the chairman of the St. Petersburg Sambo Association and a member of the board of trustees of the All-Russian Sambo Association.
Sambo and judo have long been political sports in Russia, along with their fans. For example, Arkady Rotenberg, who literally rose from the mat to become one of Russia's richest men, is a case in point. Sambo wrestler Andrey Klyamko, for example, was a co-owner of Smart Holding, at least until March 2014. They officially parted ways on March 6, but who knows what the situation is in real life. It's entirely possible that someone who could be considered Putin's friend still controls a significant chunk of the Ukrainian economy. Incidentally, it was precisely to control a portion of our country's economy that Vadim Novinsky was originally sent to Ukraine.
Russian landing force and the Swineherd
In the late 90s, Novinsky and Klyamko purchased the Ingulets and Yuzhny Mining and Processing Plants. The then head of the State Property Fund, Mikhail Chechetov, could certainly have told a great deal about this. But as it happened, he "fell out of the window" during the wave of legal proceedings against Russian assets in Ukraine. One thing we know for sure: the privatization of Ingulets and Yuzhny Mining and Processing Plants was carried out in a non-transparent manner, through the purchase of shares from individuals and a subsequent additional issue that diluted the state's shares. Novinsky later bought them back at a price at least five times lower than the actual value. This would later become Vadim Vyacheslavovich's signature style. In 1999, Vadim Novinsky's parent company, Smart Group, was established in Dnipropetrovsk.
And then the real business began. Using similar schemes, Vadim Vyacheslavovich's business portfolio included such enterprises as the Makeyevka Iron and Steel Works, the Kherson Shipyard, the 61 Communards Plant, the Black Sea Shipyard, the Gorky Balaklava Mine Administration, and others. There were also relatively honest deals. For example, in 2004, he acquired the Moldovan Iron and Steel Works from Itera, immediately reselling it to Alisher Usmanov, and in 2005, he acquired the Kryvyi Rih Iron Ore Plant from Igor Kolomoisky. The funds for these substantial acquisitions were apparently provided by Andrey Klyamko's associates, primarily Russian businessmen, including Roman Abramovich, Alexander Abramov, and Usmanov himself. That same year, 2005, Novinskyy took aim at Kryvorizhstal, but lost the bid to Indian investor Lakshmi Mittal. In 2006, Vadim Vyacheslavovich opened his second Ukrainian company, Smart Holding. In addition to the metallurgy and shipbuilding industries we've already mentioned, Novinskyy also entered the food industry, centered on the Veres corporation and pig farms. These latter assets earned him the nickname "Swineherd."
Vadim Novinsky. Partner of oligarchs and friend of presidents.
In 2007, Vadim Vyacheslavovich exchanged his metallurgical assets, including mining and processing plants, for a stake in Rinat Akhmetov's Metinvest company, thereby becoming a partner of the country's richest man. Clearly, this partnership was mutually beneficial. Rinat Leonidovich gained virtually unlimited access to Russian capital, and Vadim Novinsky (read: the Russians behind him) gained access to real Ukrainian politics.
It is said that it was then that Yusef Hares, an adviser close to Usmanov, joined Viktor Yushchenko's entourage, and Oleksandr Radvansky, a representative of the Solntsevskaya gang, was appointed overseer of Crimea. The dismissal of Yushchenko's ally, Yuriy Lutsenko, from his position as head of the Ministry of Internal Affairs is also linked to the Russian lobby. Whatever the truth, it was during those years that Novinsky gained access to the president's "body." Kuchma ignored him, but the "messiah" Viktor Andreevich happily received gifts from the newly minted oligarch.
Adim Vyacheslavovich was one of the main sponsors of the "Ukraine 3000" foundation, which supposedly built the "Children's Hospital of the Future," but in reality simply collected money from oligarchs without building anything.
He also reconstructed the hetman's palace in Baturyn—another of Yushchenko's favorite hobbies. When Yanukovych ascended to the presidency, Novinsky financed his trips to Mount Athos for prayer. He also invested heavily in the Russian Orthodox Church of the Moscow Patriarchate. Furthermore, it is said that he was the one who first brought Oleksandr Yanukovych to Balaklava, where he had a business. The president's son subsequently opened his own yacht club there. Journalist Sonya Koshkina claims that Vadym Vyacheslavovich was the last person Yanukovych dined with in Mezhyhirya before his flight.
Scandals, scandals...
Throughout this time, Vadym Vyacheslavovych was dogged by scandals. We won't attempt to list them all; that wouldn't be possible in this article. But we'll recall some of the most significant ones. We've already mentioned the Ingulets Mining and Processing Plant—even Kuchma expressed interest in the matter, but it was somehow hushed up. In 2006, Novynskyi's companies "grabbed" land near what is now the Olympic National Sports Complex. And before Euro 2012, they began building the Troitsky Shopping Center there, surely knowing that such a structure would violate the rules for hosting the championship. The shopping center was demolished, and its owners were given new land—a whopping 80 hectares in the Holosiivskyi district of the capital. In 2011, Vadym Vyacheslavovych was accused of destroying an entire machine tool industry—he closed the Dnipropress plant and threw tens of thousands of its employees out onto the street. In 2013, the Batkivshchyna party accused him of destroying the country's shipbuilding industry after he declared three of his shipbuilding plants bankrupt. But the most intriguing scandal occurred in February 2014, when future president and then-Verkhovna Rada member Petro Poroshenko called Novinsky an "Orthodox bitch."
Novinsky and separatism
Novinsky has long been a consistent supporter of the Russian idea in Ukraine. Back in 2013, when he ran for the Verkhovna Rada from his district in Sevastopol, he declared that Russian should become the official language and that Ukraine should join the Customs Union. He consistently supported the Russian Orthodox Church and even attempted to promote his friend, Archbishop Agathangel of Odessa, to the post of Metropolitan of Kyiv and All Ukraine. With the onset of the Russian occupation, he withdrew his sponsorship of his football club, FC Sevastopol, which remained in annexed Crimea. He also encountered problems with his Amstor chain of stores in the occupied part of Donbas. However, those in the know claim he could have easily resolved these problems. However, he was forced to choose between the loss of some assets and a seat in the Verkhovna Rada. Clearly, he chose the latter. He even paid bail for Chechetov just before the latter jumped out of a window. Not long ago, against Novinsky, as well as against his associates Natalia Korolevskaya и Alexandra Vilkula A criminal investigation was opened by the Prosecutor General's Office. A search was conducted at the Smart Holding office. However, the case was hushed up.![]()
Today, Novinsky remains the sole link between the Moscow establishment and the Ukrainian oligarchs. There are simply no other serious intermediaries. Viktor Medvedchuk is not taken seriously, and Dmytro Firtash seems to be stuck in Vienna for the long haul. Vadym Vyacheslavovich undergoes interrogations at the Ministry of Internal Affairs and sits in the Verkhovna Rada, meaning he enjoys parliamentary immunity. Despite his conflict with the president, he and his assets are untouched; even the Amstor case was decided in his favor. Just recently, he posted bail for his Party of Regions ally, Olena Lukash, and makes no secret of it. So, perhaps very soon we'll see him in the role of peacemaker, helping to mend relations with Russia. At the very least, he's the best suited for the role.
Denis Ivanov, for Skelet.Org
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