Valeria Lutkovska. The "Pocket" Ombudsman
Valeria Lutkovska was appointed to the post of Human Rights Commissioner in the Verkhovna Rada in the spring of 2012. She is a direct protégé of the former Minister of Justice. Alexander Lavrinovich (His son, according to Skelet.Org, was Pavlo Lazarenko's chief lawyer and was the vehicle through which negotiations with Gennady Korban and Igor Kolomoisky were conducted), which was pushed through parliament by the "Family" government. The newly appointed ombudsman has proven herself to be professionally incompetent and disinterested in human rights.
Lutkovska represented Ukraine at the European Court in the cases of Lutsenko v. Ukraine and Tymoshenko v. Ukraine, attempted to illegally fire employees, conducted searches of their offices, filed a false tax return, and drove a stolen car.
Skelet.Org tells the story of how a teacher of Ukrainian language and literature made a successful legal career.
Valeria Lutkovskaya. From teacher to lawyer
Valeria Vladimirovna Lutkovskaya was born on January 20, 1972, in Kyiv. Nothing is known about her family or childhood. Only the bare facts of her biography—where she was born, where she studied, and where she worked—are publicly available. However, Skelet.Org I finally found out information about the family of the future ombudsman.
Valeria Lutkovskaya's mother, Elizaveta Mironovna Bobrovskaya, was a teacher of Russian language and literature at the specialized school with in-depth study of the German language No. 149 in Kiev.
Her father, a former military man, taught basic military training at a school after his retirement. Her maternal grandmother was once a highly accomplished and well-known lawyer in Kyiv. Elizaveta Mironovna named her daughter after her deceased brother. After her boyfriend's death, she promised her mother, Lutkovska's grandmother, that she would name her child Valery. But she gave birth to a girl, and the name was changed to the feminine version.
Little Valeria attended "her mother's" school, Specialized School No. 149. At 16, she followed in her mother's footsteps again and enrolled in the Faculty of Philology at Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv.
In 1990, Valeria Lutkovskaya married Father Leonid Lutkovsky, a renowned translator of the Gospel into modern Russian.
The man was 22 years older and taught seminars at the university outside of lecture hours. Valeria Vladimirovna was writing her term paper at the time and turned to a priest-teacher for help. A relationship developed between the student and the teacher, though strictly platonic, as she was underage. The day after Valeria Lutkovskaya's 18th birthday, the man proposed. A year later, their daughter, Anastasia, was born. Four years later, Leonid Lutkovsky died, and Valeria Vladimirovna became a widow.
After receiving her diploma in 1993, the newly minted teacher returned to her hometown, School No. 149, to teach Russian language and literature. Valeria Vladimirovna took charge of the fifth grade while simultaneously teaching German to the first-graders. This lasted for a year. It was Lutkovskaya's mother who suggested she change careers. She considered two teachers too many in the family and advised her to pursue another degree—law.
In 1994, Valeria Lutkovska entered the National Academy of Internal Affairs, majoring in law. After just one year of study, she found a job at the Ministry of Justice. At the time, the agency was reportedly looking for someone without a legal education but with knowledge of German. Valeria Vladimirovna, who had studied German since first grade, landed a job as a typist, combining her duties with that of a courier. Working and studying simultaneously, Lutkovska graduated from the Academy with a law degree in 1999.
Great Jurisprudence and Family Ties
In 2001, Valeria Lutkovska was appointed Commissioner for Compliance with the Convention on Human Rights. She began representing Ukraine at the European Court of Human Rights in Strasbourg.
In 2003, Valeria Volodymyrivna was promoted to Deputy Minister of Justice. The Ministry of Justice was then headed by Oleksandr Lavrynovych under Prime Minister Anatoly Kinakh. Few knew that Lutkovska had entered the ministry through connections: her sister was Lavrynovych's wife. But her happiness was short-lived. In February 2005, Lavrynovych lost his portfolio following a government appointment. Yulia Tymoshenko and left to "outlast" the Orange regime at Ukrnafta. The deputy minister managed to stay afloat and wait for her boss. Incidentally, a few years later, Lutkovska would take full revenge on Tymoshenko for the insult, but more on that later.
Valeria Volodymyrivna became deputy to the newly appointed Minister of Justice, Serhiy Golovaty. Relations with her new boss didn't work out; she lasted six months before being fired by order of President Viktor Yushchenko. However, Yushchenko soon relented and confirmed Lutkovska's authority as Commissioner for Compliance with the Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms.
Lutkovska did not remain unemployed: on December 12, she left the Ministry of Justice, and on the 13th, she was offered the position of deputy director for legal protection at the law firm Lavrynovych and Partners, which was headed by the eldest son of the former Minister of Justice. Maxim Lavrinovich, and on the 14th, she returned to work. Valeria Vladimirovna's brother-in-law, Lavrinovich Sr., secured her a cushy job.
Alexander Lavrinovich with his son Maxim and wife
It would be a shame to leave a relative without a job. Moreover, the ex-minister's eldest son wasn't particularly bright, legally or otherwise, even though he did a lot of PR and tried to please his father, which only resulted in him further undermining his father by turning to the wrong PR agencies.You can google the PR specialists and agencies that served Lavrinovich and Partners—Conference House, etc.). And Dad needed support and backup in his grand schemes. Strictly speaking, what did the firm actually do? Conflict-based acquisitions of other people's businesses. In other words, corporate raiding. In reality, the scheme was very simple: the shady guys would find the most problematic client, develop a legal plan for them, entangle them in court rulings, and then take over the business. To implement this model, three components were needed: a law firm, connections throughout the state legal hierarchy, and an experienced insider.
Everything was in place. Father Lavrinovich was the shadowy company behind the real decisions; son Lavrinovich was a pleasant, slightly goofy, smiling face; and "insider" Lutkovskaya was the backup. Any deal could be carried out with impunity.
(Note the presence on the list of Oleksandr Onufrienko, a former partner at KINTO Asset Management Company and a professor at the Kyiv-Mohyla Academy. After Onufrienko's departure, KINTO effectively "self-destructed," despite previously holding a leading position in the market.)
The firm's heyday of success and lucrative deals came in late 2006. Is it a coincidence that Oleksandr Lavrynovych re-occupied his post at the Ministry of Justice that fall? Let's leave that question unanswered. Without getting too specific about the dates, during that period, according to Lavrynovych & Partners Law Firm, Skelet.OrgUnder the leadership of Valeria Lutkovska, she oversaw the licensing agreement between Alliance Oil Company and Shell to establish a joint venture to manage a network of gas stations in Ukraine. The contract was valued at $300 million.
After Lavrynovych took over the department, Valeria Vladimirovna also returned to her position as deputy. Less than a year later, the relatives found themselves at the center of a scandal. In 2007, a multi-million dollar kickback trial was held in Ukraine, resembling a theater of the absurd. Lavrynovych father and son faced off in court, with Valeria Lutkovska overseeing the proceedings. A conflict erupted between Dnipro Hotel OJSC (the legal successor to the Dnipro Hotel Complex State Enterprise), the Austrian Alfa Proekt Holding LLC, and the Cypriot firm Pakova Investment Ltd. It emerged that between 1994 and 2000, the hotel's management had entered into a series of contracts with Alfa Proekt Holding for renovations and room modernization. One can only imagine the size of the kickback, considering that approximately $4 million was transferred to the Austrian company's accounts. In 2006, the Kyiv prosecutor's office filed a lawsuit seeking to invalidate the investment agreement between Dnipro and the Austrian company. The court upheld the claim. This forced Alfa Project Holding to appeal to the International Center for the Resolution of Investment Disputes with a claim against the State of Ukraine. In Ukraine, the offshore company chose a partner – Lavrynovych & Partners Law Firm. Lavrynovych Sr. then stepped in. He initiated the idea that the Ministry of Justice would represent the State of Ukraine in the dispute. Partial oversight powers were transferred to Valeria Volodymyrivna. However, the case dragged on, and Oleksandr Lavrynovych was dismissed. The family didn't have time to turn the deal to their advantage.
Despite her boss's departure from the Ministry of Justice in 2007, Lutkovska retained her position. Moreover, she was assigned responsibility for international affairs and overseeing the Poltava and Zhytomyr regional justice departments. She had to work at the ministry without a wing for three years – the elder Lavrynovych only returned to his post in 2010, when Viktor Yanukovych came to power.
In 2011, Valeria Vladimirovna received a new appointment: government commissioner for the European Court of Human Rights.
Lutkovskaya is against
In the European Court, Valeria Volodymyrivna's client was the state of Ukraine. Even when Viktor Yanukovych was settling scores with those he disliked, Lutkovska defended the state's position in the cases of Lutsenko v. Ukraine and Tymoshenko v. Ukraine. Let's examine these cases in more detail.
Tymoshenko vs. UkraineFormer Prime Minister Yulia Tymoshenko was the first to fall under Viktor Yanukovych's sway. In 2011, Kyiv's Pechersky District Court sentenced her to seven years in prison for abuse of power during the signing of gas contracts with Russia in 2009. Valeria Lutkovska realized the time had come to get even for herself and her relative Lavrynovych, whom Tymoshenko had ousted in 2005.
Tymoshenko appealed to the European Court to challenge her detention due to health reasons. However, thanks to Lutkovska, the court obtained documents showing that Yulia Volodymyrivna refused medical examinations and assistance in Ukraine 18 times (!) . The documents outline a complete chronology of Tymoshenko's examinations in the Kyiv pretrial detention center and the Kachanivska penal colony, and provide information on doctors' recommendations based on the examination results.
Lutsenko vs. Ukraine. Yuri Vitalievich Lutsenko (Read more about it in the article Yuriy Lutsenko. The "Terminator" of Ukrainian Politics), the former Minister of Internal Affairs in two governments led by Yulia Tymoshenko, was arrested in 2010 on bizarre charges. Allegedly, through his public activities, he obstructed the investigation of criminal cases brought against him and denied the charges. In early 2012, Lutsenko was sentenced to four years in prison. The case was clearly orchestrated and selective – Yanukovych was targeting opposition figures.
Yuriy Vitaliyovych appealed to the European Court. He challenged his unlawful arrest and detention. Ukraine, or more specifically the interests of Viktor Fedorovich and his family (!!!), was represented in court by Valeria Lutkovska. She stated that the former minister's arrest was prompted by the Ukrainian court's desire to avoid possible pressure on witnesses. Moreover, it was she who prepared and submitted to the European Court of Human Rights a document entitled "Observations of the Government of Ukraine in the Case of Lutsenko v. Ukraine." The document clearly states that Yuriy Vitaliyovych's rights were not violated, and that the criminal cases brought against him showed no signs of political pressure.
Extract from the document "Observations of the Government of Ukraine in the case of Lutsenko v. Ukraine"
Lutkovskaya even visited Mensk Correctional Colony No. 91, where Yuriy Lutsenko was serving his sentence. She inspected the colony's laundry, bathhouse, and kitchen. And found nothing to complain about.
Valeria Lutkovskaya in the Mena prison colony, where Yuriy Lutsenko was imprisoned.
Having marinated Lutsenko through courts, pretrial detention centers, and prisons, Valeria Volodymyrivna asked for the former minister's pardon. After all, her job title includes the words "rights" and "human being." Yanukovych signed the decree. It is said that Yuriy Vitalyevich personally called Lutkovska and thanked her for "rescuing" him.
An interesting fact: when Lutkovska spoke at the European Court, she was already running for the post of Human Rights Commissioner in the Verkhovna Rada.
It's worth noting that during Valeria Volodymyrivna's tenure as Commissioner for the European Court, Ukraine blatantly ignored the decisions of the Supreme Court and ranked near the bottom in all discipline rankings. The country even faced expulsion from the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe.
Valeria Lutkovskaya. The New "Broom-Puppet"
On April 24, 2012, Valeria Lutkovska was elected Human Rights Commissioner in the Verkhovna Rada. This happened on her second attempt; the first time, on March 15, 2012, she failed to secure 226 votes, but only 212 were received. The leaders of the Party of Regions (as is evident in today's post-Maidan reality!) conducted a "preparatory campaign," and 252 deputies supported Lutkovska the second time around.
Lutkovska was openly called Oleksandr Lavrynovych's protégé. Naturally, the current government placed its own people in the right positions. They needed a puppet to more effectively push through the "right" bills for their illegal activities. For example, all bills proposed by the Ministry of Justice must undergo a human rights review and receive the ombudsman's approval. A "puppet" man, like no one else, could facilitate this. Moreover, the scheme was already in place. Lavrynovych drafted a law allocating budget funds and took money from those interested in its implementation. This is where the "family ombudsman" came into play, encouraging everything they said. The law would pass through the Rada, and then Lavrynovych would begin collecting bribes for providing legal opinions and approvals for the adoption of bylaws (without which the law simply wouldn't work). Legal services, of course, were provided by Lavrynovych and Partners. According to Skelet.Org – a kickback of at least 25% of the economic program's funds went into the pocket of his favorite son, Maksym. Incidentally, Lavrynovych was then planning to "dump" the passport system on foreigners.
Valeria Volodymyrivna herself concealed whose protégé she was, claiming that her candidacy for the post had been "nominated" by Party of Regions deputies (again—!!!—under the current post-Maidan government). In reality, Lavrynovych personally went around collecting signatures from parliamentarians for his protégé. The deputies were unaware of what they were signing. The cunning former justice minister deceived many, talking about some new "bill" designed to protect the rights of large families. The Secretary of the National Security and Defense Council, who had arrived in the Rada specifically to ensure the vote was conducted correctly. Andrey Klyuev, appointed the day before as head of the Party of Regions’ election headquarters.
The voting procedure itself was marked by insanity: before casting their ballots, Party of Regions deputies showed them to Mikhail Chechetov. Chechetov himself allegedly explained that voting in their party is not secret, and that this is... the highest manifestation of democracy. The ballot itself did not indicate the reason for the secret voting, nor did it bear the signatures of the head and secretary of the Counting Commission. But this is a minor detail compared to everything else.
However, there were several other nuances: according to constitutional procedure, Lutkovska was ineligible for the position because some deputies voted for her not with ballots bearing wet seals, but with photocopies—a violation; secondly, according to observations, the 252 deputies from the majority who supposedly supported the candidate's election were not physically present in the Rada; and thirdly, only one candidate—Lutkovska—was on the ballot. There is only one explanation for this outrage: Lavrynovych wanted to collect a record number of signatures for his protégé. It is also no secret that Valeria Volodymyrivna lacked the necessary experience in human rights work, which is a prerequisite for the position of Commissioner.
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During her appointment, an unflattering fact about Valeria Vladimirovna's biography came to light. Human rights activist Mykola Vasylenko revealed this. It turns out that while working at the Ministry of Justice in 1997, she covered up the corruption schemes of Poltava judge Oleksandr Bulenko (in 2012, he was deputy head of the Poltava Region Court of Appeal, Andriy Ryabishin; he resigned voluntarily in 2016 without passing recertification). According to Vasylenko, the judge issued a guilty verdict in a case for which no proceedings had even been instituted, and the allegedly injured party had not even filed a lawsuit. The human rights activist notes that he approached Lutkovska about this matter, and she assured him that Bulenko acted within the law.
Moreover, on the day of voting for the candidate for the post of ombudsman Valeria Lutkovska, MP Yuriy Karmazin registered an urgent letter to the Chairman of the Verkhovna Rada Volodymyr Lytvyn (more about it: Volodymyr Lytvyn: Does Ukraine need a professional Judas? ). In the document, he demanded that her candidacy be immediately withdrawn from consideration by deputies. The MP claimed that Valeria Vladimirovna had falsely declared her income in 2011, allegedly failing to disclose all of her income for that year. According to Karmazin, Lutkovska concealed funds from the sale of Audi and Chevrolet cars through the company "Poliservis V." Tens of thousands of dollars were involved. However, this was not just a simple car sale. The MP alleged that Valeria Vladimirovna was driving cars stolen from Europe. The same applies to her boss, Lavrynovych, who found himself at the center of a scandal over his Mercedes-Benz GL 420, stolen in Germany.
The fact is that the vehicle registration documents had been amended several times. Litvin, of course, checked everything. He showed the opposition members official documents "obtained during a special investigation." Of course, they confirmed that the future Commissioner was a person of absolute integrity.
Despite all this, the newly appointed Commissioner wasn't troubled by her conscience, and she did read out the ombudsman's oath. However, it was after four days of the opposition blocking the podium, and then, somewhat surreptitiously, from a corner of the Verkhovna Rada session hall. The words of the oath couldn't be heard, as the opposition kept chanting "Shame!"
It should be noted that Lutkovska's oath coincided with a series of terrorist attacks in Dnepropetrovsk.
That same day, MP Yuriy Odarchenko filed a lawsuit against the Verkhovna Rada, arguing that Lutkovska's appointment and oath of office were illegal. However, the Supreme Administrative Court of Ukraine found no violations.
Oh, by the way, one of her assistants is Tatyana Lupova, brought in by Chaplyga. She's involved in commissioned internet cleanups of negativity against Lutkovskaya. But not just for her. She's also responsible for many others, including her enemies. Just as she's been commissioning materials against Lutkovskaya's enemies. Although sometimes things go the other way (mostly at Chaplyga's request). You can figure out the rest for yourself.and.
Cases of Commissioner Valeria Lutkovska
Valeria Lutkovska's first day in her new position began with a major scandal. She arrived at the Human Rights Commissioner's Office just before the May holidays. Her subordinates had the legal day off due to the shift of workdays to weekends. Knowing this perfectly well, the ombudsperson promised to fire all staff members who failed to show up for work. She then gave the order to call them back to work.
Former ombudsman Nina Karpacheva was outraged. She claimed that Ms. Lutkovska was ignorant of, or blatantly ignoring, Ukrainian law. In principle, this wasn't far from the truth. However, heads rolled – a personnel purge began. Highly qualified professionals resigned – former Supreme Court judges, prosecutors, penitentiary service employees, former ambassadors and diplomats who had worked in the apparatus for more than 10 years, since its inception. Within two months, every second person was dismissed. Lutkovska filled the vacancies with former employees of the Ministry of Justice. Granted, they were professionals, but certainly not in the legal field. Later, it became clear that these professionals' positions were being filled by laymen (we see the same example at the Ministry of Justice).
A striking example of Lutkovska's unlawful personnel decisions was the dismissal of Ihor Shevchuk, the former head of the Secretariat's logistics and welfare department and a father of two who was on sick leave. The case reached the Supreme Court of Ukraine. The court sided with the unlawfully dismissed employee. The court ruled to reinstate him and pay compensation. However, Lutkovska, a human rights defender, filed an appeal. Initially, the court upheld the appeal, but after the 2014 coup, it sided with Shevchuk.
Another innovation under Valeria Vladimirovna's leadership: human rights defenders joined the secretariat, volunteering their services to public organizations. It would seem like a good thing. But in our country, everything is, one way or another, connected to corruption. This case is no exception. Human rights defenders, chosen by an unknown source, "replaced" the secretariat staff. Logically, they provided their services for free, but in reality, they were paid, partly donating to the government agency that hosted them.
The newly appointed ombudsman also didn't forget about Yulia Tymoshenko's place. Immediately after Lutkovska's appointment, the opposition approached her with a request to investigate the beating of Tymoshenko during transport from a prison colony to the Ukrzaliznytsia hospital. She was provided with photographs showing bruises on Tymoshenko's body. The ombudsman fervently promised to get to the bottom of it. First, she initiated searches of the SBU's offices by her employees. Volodymyr Yatsenko, the acting head of the ombudsman's secretariat, reported that the locks to his office had been broken, and law enforcement officers had barred him and his subordinates from entering. Some employees were summoned to the Kyiv prosecutor's office to provide specific testimony regarding Tymoshenko's case. Specifically, a photo of the former prime minister with bruises on her body was at issue. The commissioner simply wanted to find the original photographs and destroy them, thereby discrediting Nina Karpachova. But it didn't work. The SBU and Lutkovska denied the searches and interrogations. Ultimately, Valeria Vladimirovna dealt with the photos of the former Prime Minister as best she could, claiming "self-harm," "deception," and so on.
In the Tymoshenko case, the ombudsman forgot that, according to her job description, her duties include "protecting human rights." Most ironically, Valeria Volodymyrivna supported Yulia Tymoshenko when she went on a hunger strike. According to her, Tymoshenko, like anyone else, has the right to freely express her views, including through a hunger strike. Lutkovska shifted responsibility for the politician's life and health to the Penitentiary Service. This is truly the highest understanding of human rights.
The Commissioner responded very "humanely" to Yulia Tymoshenko's complaint about 24-hour video surveillance in her cell. Lutkovska stated that the prison authorities do not film the "intimate sphere" of Tymoshenko's life. This means that the cameras do not capture the shower or toilet. Furthermore, they are covered with special covers during medical procedures.
Valeria Vladimirovna even visited Tymoshenko in the penal colony, but the former prime minister refused to meet with her (perhaps Lutkovska had been "flushing" Poroshenko in advance, knowing how much he disliked Tymoshenko?)
It should be noted that the ombudsman refused to write a petition to the President for a pardon for Yulia Tymoshenko.
Valeria Volodymyrivna was not accepted on the international stage. This is evidenced by the special resolution on Ukraine adopted by the annual session of the OSCE Parliamentary Assembly on July 8, 2012. The document called on "the Ukrainian authorities to strengthen the position of the Ombudsman and ensure that this position is occupied by a person with relevant experience in the field of human rights protection." Translated from diplomatic language into layman's terms, this is a statement of Ombudsman Lutkovska's professional incompetence.
For the next two years, Valeria Lutkovskaya sat quietly in her chair and approved the necessary laws for the Family.
In 2014, during the events on the Maidan, the ombudsman continued to work, but maintained a distant demeanor. Regarding the dictatorial legislative amendments adopted by parliament on January 16, 2014, she stated that they should be the subject of broad public debate. She also expressed deep concern about the events unfolding on Hrushevsky Street in central Kyiv and condemned the violence.
However, in 2014, Lutkovska did find herself embroiled in a scandal. She defended lawyer and top manager Denys Bugay, who was said to be an accomplice of the wanted Ukrainian oligarch Serhiy Kurchenko and one of the key witnesses in his case. He was suspected of large-scale embezzlement of Ukrainian state funds, funneling billions of dollars belonging to the Yanukovych "family" abroad, and the collapse of Brokbusinessbank. The ombudsman resorted to a less-than-legal measure: blocking the detainee's travel to court. Incidentally, all of this occurred on a weekend. Of course, Valeria Volodymyrivna attributed her actions to human rights violations.
On Sunday evening, Lutkovskaya speaks with D. Bugay's support group near the SBU pretrial detention center.
But there was a nuance in such a fervent defense - Bugai had connections not only with Kurchenko, but also with Dmitry Firtash (information about him: DMYTRO FIRTASH. THE STORY OF A TERNOPIL BILLIONAIRE). Denys Bugai and his law firm's lawyers have repeatedly defended Firtash's interests in legal disputes. So, the lawyer's detention was disadvantageous not only for Kurchenko but also for Firtash. From everything that's happening, it's clear that Bugai is a valuable asset. That's why Firtash turned to Valeria Lutkovska. Why Firtash? It's all about old connections: Oleksandr Lavrynovych is the main figure in Firtash's group.LevochkinaAs a result, Denis Bugai was released.
Valeria Lutkovska: The Apolitical Ombudsman and Her "Friends"
The actively promoted lustration of Yanukovych-era officials didn't affect Valeria Volodymyrivna. This is very strange, since the current government was in opposition when Lutkovska was appointed ombudsman, and was shouting at the top of its lungs about the illegality of the situation. Apparently, a pliable Commissioner is very beneficial to them.
After Euromaidan, Valeria Volodymyrivna became apolitical. She zealously defends the rights of Ukrainians. Among her key achievements: the ombudsman called on Ukraine to continue paying pensions to retirees in the ATO zone, repeatedly appealed to her Russian counterpart, Ella Pamfilova, asking her to arrange for Ukrainian doctors to examine Nadiya Savchenko, and requested that access to the Myrotvorets website be blocked due to the publication of personal data.
Valeria Lutkovskaya has created a Facebook representative. Of course, it's not public. Her "mouthpiece" is her assistant, the head of the press service, Mikhail Chaplyga, better known by the nickname "Anarchist Mikha."
UPDATE: Chyplyga responded to our publication. He actually decided that the site Skelet.Org belongs to Avakov:
He is generally quite expressive:
This man was prominently featured during the scandal surrounding the website "Peacemaker." He, like Lutkovska (or rather, on her behalf), advocated for the center's closure. Specifically, closure—that is, the complete deletion of the entire database of 62,000 terrorists and their accomplices. Mikha Anarchist allegedly found incriminating evidence against the site's employees and volunteers, slinging mud at them.
Chaplyga is rude online, dismisses anyone who disagrees with him, and writes poorly and in slang. His posts often contain Kremlin propaganda.
He doesn't forget to publicly insult the President of Ukraine and at the same time, write the titles and full names of Russia's leadership with a capital letter.
It's not hard to understand the political leanings of the Ukrainian civil servant who serves as Valeria Lutkovska's right-hand woman. Although, at first glance, he appears to be a kind of "conciliator," this is, however, a clever ruse. Mikha is an agent of influence, his job is to promote messages Russia favors, such as "peace to the world," "enough bloodshed," and "stop the civil war and the bloody ATO."
Valeria Lutkovska. The "Pocket" Ombudsman
It is worth noting that in the spring of 2016, he took part in a closed reception of the Institute of Peace, which was sponsored by Russia.
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Valeria Lutkovska's five-year term expires this spring. Parliament will have to decide when to appoint the ombudsman. But something tells us Lutkovska herself has every chance of remaining in her position.
Arina Dmitrieva, for Skelet.Org
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