Vasily Nimchenko: Putin's crony's pocket lawyer and full-time propagandist. PART 1

In the Opposition Platform – For Life (OPFL) parliamentary faction, Vasyl Nimchenko is part of the so-called Medvedchuk group , which also includes Nestor Shufrych , Hryhoriy Surkis , Taras Kozak, Yuriy Zagorodniy, and several other MPs. Most Ukrainians know only Medvedchuk, Surkis, and Shufrych, while Nimchenko, despite his best efforts, is largely unknown to many—and then only from comical videos from the Verkhovna Rada. Yet he is, no less, Medvedchuk's deputy for ideology and propaganda, and the main spokesman for the public political position of Medvedchuk's wing of the OPFL.

https://youtu.be/U_vAS-o4Ap8

How a mechanic became a judge

Vasily Ivanovich Nimchenko was born on September 13, 1950, in the village of Zagorodishche, Chernobaivsky District, Cherkasy Oblast. According to media reports and publicly available databases, he has an older brother, Grigory, about whom he has never spoken for some reason. Perhaps this was to avoid exposing his brother and his associates to his pharmaceutical business—which will be discussed later. Incidentally, it appears their father named his sons after Chapayev and Kotovsky.

After finishing school, Vasily Nimchenko worked on his native collective farm, helping out in the forge and then working as a mechanic. But in the army, Nimchenko, in his own words, "performed international duty" somewhere abroad. He didn't specify where, so one can only guess: it could have been Syria, Egypt, Vietnam, or Laos. This likely explains why he didn't enroll in the Kharkiv Law Institute (now the Kharkiv Law University) until he was 21 (in 1971).

While studying, Vasyl Nimchenko married Lyubov Fedorovna Nimchenko (born 1953). In 1973, their eldest son, Igor, was born. He almost followed in his father's footsteps and became a prosecutor. He currently works in the Prosecutor General's Office as a prosecutor in the Main Military Prosecutor's Office, and before that, he was a prosecutor in the 1st Department of the Procedural Leadership for Criminal Proceedings Regarding Crimes Against the Fundamentals of National Security. His youngest son, Dmitry, was born in 1983 in Kyiv and made his career in the SBU (the scandals surrounding him will be discussed later).

Vasily Nimchenko, 90s

After graduating from the institute, Vasyl Nimchenko was assigned not to his native province, but to Kyiv, where he immediately became a judge of the Podolsk District Court. Over the next ten years, he made a meteoric rise: judge of the Kyiv City Court, chairman of the Pechersk District Court, and senior consultant in the legal department of the Presidium of the Verkhovna Rada of the Ukrainian SSR. Finally, in 1990, during the political transition in Kyiv (from old party apparatchiks to "perestroika" ones), Vasyl Nimchenko was appointed a judge of the Supreme Court. The secret of this village boy's resounding success remains unsolved; it is only known that he had influential patrons—possibly his wife's parents, whom he carefully conceals. Incidentally, since Soviet times, his family had lived in an apartment at 20 Instytutska Street, privatized in 1999 (it is now owned by his wife and sons), in the most prestigious part of Kyiv's city center. According to Skelet.Org sources , this apartment could have been a gift from a mysterious patron.

Vasily Nimchenko with his wife

In 1995, Vasyl Nimchenko was appointed a judge of the Military Collegium of the Supreme Court, earning him the rank of general. A year later, when the Constitutional Court was being formed in September 1996 (it came into force in October of that year), Nimchenko represented the Congress of Judges of Ukraine. At its very first plenary session, Nimchenko was elected Deputy Chairman of the Constitutional Court (until October 1999). He soon received further perks: the rank of Colonel General of Military Justice and Professor of Law.

Around the same time, in the mid-90s, Viktor Medvedchuk firmly established himself alongside President Kuchma. His influence over the head of state was just beginning, as Kuchma was surrounded by numerous people who elbowed each other, and it took Medvedchuk several more years to become closer to him than anyone else. Although the media hasn't reported it, there is "unpublished" information that the relationship between Medvedchuk and Nimchenko (or Medvedchuk and Nimchenko's patron) began in the second half of the 90s, when Medvedchuk was building his political team and placing his people everywhere. One of these was Yuriy Zagorodniy, then an inspector in the Presidential Administration. When Medvedchuk became head of the Administration in 2002, he made Zagorodniy his deputy.

Viktor Medvedchuk and Leonid Kuchma

Nimchenko managed to remain virtually invisible for most of his life (with such a job!), but his name still appeared in the media several times. The first time was in 2003, a scandalous year for Judge Nimchenko. Of course, he tried to "bury" his war with the Taras restaurant (more to come), but you can't erase it from the history of Ukrainian politics.

Then Leonid Kuchma decided to "sue" for the right to run for president for a third consecutive term. This venture was the initiative of the head of the Presidential Administration, Medvedchuk (and possibly also his godfather, Putin). Having established himself under Kuchma, Medvedchuk did not want to lose his position and influence as the second-in-command in the country. He also understood that if Kuchma made himself president for a third time, he would be going against Yushchenko and the "orange" factions, as well as the "Donetsk" factions (Akhmetov), ​​the "Luhansk" factions and the Ukrainian Socialist-Industrialists (USPP) (Kinakh), the loyal "Dnipropetrovsk" factions ( Tigipko ), and many others. Having fallen out with all the influential groups, he would be forced to rely on Medvedchuk's team. And then Medvedchuk would no longer be the second-in-command, but effectively the first-in-command in Ukraine.

This plan almost succeeded: in December 2003, just before New Year's, the Constitutional Court ruled in favor of Leonid Kuchma. The rapporteur judge on this matter was none other than Vasyl Nimchenko. He was essentially tasked with advancing the matter in the Constitutional Court, which neither judged nor investigated, but simply approved the "Medvedchuk formula" handed down from the Presidential Administration—which stipulated that with the adoption of the new Constitution in 1996, Kuchma's first term would be "zeroed out." Nimchenko then convinced Ukrainian journalists of this, who had no idea who they were dealing with. Essentially, this was a blatant example of political corruption—and Nimchenko received more than just new epaulets and insignia for his service. However, as is well known, Kuchma was later forced to abandon this plan.

In November 2005, Nimchenko's nine-year term as a Constitutional Court judge expired, but he settled comfortably into becoming the Cabinet's permanent representative to the Constitutional Court—a position he held for several governments. Nimchenko gained his first television fame by diligently serving the "Anti-Crisis Coalition" and Viktor Yanukovych's cabinet (2006-2007) during the ensuing political crisis, which nearly escalated into civil war.

Let's recall that in April-May 2007, the tension reached its peak, following President Yushchenko's decree dissolving the Verkhovna Rada. This decree (and subsequent ones) were immediately appealed to the Constitutional Court, which that spring became the main battleground between the "orange" and "blue-red" parties. And it was Vasyl Nimchenko, who was well-versed in the Constitutional Court, who defended the interests of the coalition government of the Party of Regions, the Communists, and the Socialists. It should be emphasized that, amid the chaos of dismissals and appointments of judges and Constitutional Court chairpersons, and even presidential representatives to the Court, only Nimchenko remained a completely stable and confident figure. However, he spent his time primarily delaying the consideration of a lawsuit challenging the legality of the presidential decree dissolving parliament—even though this lawsuit was filed by the coalition whose government he represented.

Nimchenko's actions were surprising because he was openly "acting like a fool." For example, he refused to answer the judges' questions , called Yushchenko's decree "legally null and void ," and demanded that the president appear before the Constitutional Court in person and confirm his facsimile (which he had used in place of his signature). This certainly did not contribute to the Constitutional Court ruling in favor of the parliamentary coalition and the government. But if Nimchenko was carrying out Medvedchuk's orders, that explained a lot. In the 2006 elections, his "Not So!" bloc suffered defeat; no one from Medvedchuk's inner circle made it into parliament, not even Nestor Shufrych (whom Medvedchuk later appointed as Minister of Emergency Situations under Yanukovych). Therefore, it was advantageous for Medvedchuk to call early elections and try to squeeze more of his own people onto the Party of Regions lists. The "Donetsk people," who held a dominant role in the Party of Regions, were merely opportunistic allies to him, and already quite greedy at that point. Therefore, it was in Medvedchuk's interests to prolong and inflate the crisis (including through Nimchenko), rather than resolve it in favor of the Yanukovych government. He miscalculated one thing: that the opponents of the "orange" would not be able to secure a majority in the 2007 re-elections.

The state of an "honest" judge

Gratitude for a job well done was not long in coming. Having saved up some more money, in November 2008, at the height of the crisis, Vasyl Nimchenko bought himself a brand new Lexus LX 570. This fierce-looking SUV cost half a million hryvnia at the time – far more than the Cabinet representative's salary at the Constitutional Court for three years of impeccable service! The purchase was a welcome addition to the Mitsubishi Pajero, which, also in "zero condition," was purchased by Vasyl Nimchenko for 186 hryvnia and registered in his wife's name in October 2005, just as his term as a Constitutional Court judge ended. Could it really have been done with his own savings?

And these are only the cars Vasily Nimchenko reported in his asset declarations. Not counting those purchased for his sons (Igor in the 1990s and Dmitry in the 2000s), and those he, according to sources, "leased."

Besides cars, the declarations also reveal many other interesting details. For example, three apartments in Kyiv (not counting his first apartment on Instytutska Street, registered to his wife and sons). One, 120 square meters, was purchased in 2010 (the price is not specified), and the second, of the same size, has been rented by Vasyl Nimchenko from Novostroy LLC (ERGPOU 32917247) since 2016. It's worth noting that "renting" property from friends, relatives, or associates is a common practice among Ukrainian corrupt officials. Therefore, it's worth paying attention to Nimchenko's relationship with the owners of Novostroy LLC. The third Kyiv apartment, 37,5 square meters, was purchased by Vasyl Nimchenko in 2018 for just 804 hryvnias ($30), which is significantly below the market price.

In addition, the Nimchenko couple own a country house (180 sq. m.) under construction in the Boryspil district, an office in Kyiv (58 sq. m.), they sold another office in 2018 for 6 million hryvnia, plus there are several houses and plots of land in their native Chornobaivsky district (possibly an inheritance from their parents).

Vasyl and Lyubov Nimchenko earn a good income, almost half a million a year, from leasing real estate to Azimut Yachts Ukraine (EDRPOU 35918290). Additionally, the couple holds approximately 1,6 million hryvnias in deposits at Privat, Alfa, TASCOM, Ukrgasbank, and Arkada banks, earning handsome dividends. And finally, they keep $235 and 575 hryvnias in cash for "current expenses."

For the average Ukrainian MP with a family business, this isn't much. However, the fact of the matter is that Vasyl Nimchenko has never owned an official business, nor has his wife. There's also no information about any unofficial businesses, such as a candle factory. This raises questions about the sources of his wealth. After all, the Constitutional Court isn't like the Commercial Court, the Administrative Court, or even a regular district court—they don't routinely "indict" people there, and large "payments" are made quite rarely, only during the consideration of pressing political issues or personnel appointments. So what other income have Vasyl Nimchenko and his family been earning from all these years?

Apple trees and apples

Some answers can be found in media publications that haven't yet been destroyed on orders from Nimchenko and his sons. Skelet.Org verified that they were thoroughly purged, including materials from 10 and even 15 years ago, with even any references or references removed. Nevertheless , even Constitutional Court judges, prosecutors from the Prosecutor General's Office, and employees of the SBU's Internal Security Directorate sometimes make mistakes.

Here's a telling example from way back in 2002. That November, the Foundation for Assistance to Legal and Political Reforms held a scientific and practical conference in Kyiv, attended by Vasyl Nimchenko. The conference culminated in lunch at the Taras restaurant (10 Tereshchenska Street). The guests were drinking, eating, and enjoying themselves, when Constitutional Court Judge Nimchenko suddenly called the manager and announced he'd found a chicken wing bone (from another dish) in his salad. He demanded a bottle of expensive French wine as compensation for "moral damages." But the manager refused, and Nimchenko, revealing who he was and who the restaurant owners were dealing with, promised them a lot of trouble.

He carried out his threats in March 2003, filing a lawsuit for 90 hryvnia against Teremok LLC, the restaurant's owner, presenting a different version of events. In the lawsuit, Nimchenko allegedly didn't remove the salad seed from his mouth, but rather, he allegedly didn't notice it and threw it into his mouth. He then broke his teeth on it, then choked on it, requiring several expensive surgeries. Allegedly, all this suffering led to a heart attack. However, it should be emphasized that dozens of witnesses saw Nimchenko cheerfully leave the restaurant without even coughing, threatening to "harass" its staff and owners.

Confronting a Constitutional Court judge, whom the president himself had blessed to rig a third term with corruption, seemed hopeless. But the restaurant owners nevertheless began to defend themselves, calling on journalists for help, and the case dragged on until the summer of 2004. Meanwhile, the greedy judge wasn't satisfied with the initial compensation award, and during the trial, Nimchenko increased the amount to 150 hryvnias ($30). In his explanation, he wrote that the stone, before ending up in his salad, could have been gnawed by people with tuberculosis, syphilis, and AIDS who were gay and hung out in the park next to the restaurant (see a copy of this lawsuit). In short, he almost brought in international terrorism or a Masonic conspiracy!

Moreover, if Nimchenko initially promised to transfer the entire compensation amount to the orphanage, then, demanding 150 thousand for himself, he asks to transfer one hundred hryvnia each to the Malyatko orphanage and the Irklieva rural hospital (Cherkasy region).

On July 2, 2004, the Shevchenkivskyi Court partially upheld Nimchenko's claim, ordering him to pay 50 hryvnias. Nimchenko attended the October 1, 2004 , Appeals Court hearing with a personal security guard. The defendants were only informed of the hearing the day before, without any time to prepare. Furthermore, Nimchenko issued threats against journalists, claiming they had attended the hearing "illegally." Despite all the pressure Nimchenko exerted, the Appeals Court dismissed his new demands, although it did not vindicate the restaurant—it upheld the Shevchenkivskyi Court's decision. Thus, Nimchenko pocketed 50 hryvnias ($10). This is how he "earned extra money," saving up for expensive foreign cars and new apartments in Kyiv! You must admit that this story helps us understand the personality of Vasily Nimchenko – greedy for money, scandalous, and downright rotten.

Sergey Varis, for Skelet.Org

CONTINUED: Vasily Nimchenko: Putin's crony's pocket lawyer and full-time propagandist. PART 2