He belongs to that category of officials who remain "one of the guys" and in demand under any government, providing specific services to their bosses and patrons. But what's also unique about Podolsk District State Administration Head Viktor Smirnov is his ability to carefully conceal both who's behind him and what he does behind the scenes. Not all Kyiv residents even know where this seemingly kindly boss, who ensures every bench in his district is painted, came from. And far from everyone knows how many tens of millions he's already "sawed off" from those benches and curbs...
Viktor Smirnov. An Indispensable Assistant
Viktor Vladimirovich Smirnov was born on August 31, 1965, in Dnipropetrovsk (now Dnipro), to Nadezhda Semenovna and Vladimir Alexandrovich Smirnov. If you look at his biography, you'll see that a whole half of his life is missing—which is quite odd for an ordinary, unofficial official, as he currently is. In fact, he's very reluctant to talk about his past, preferring to speak to the media only about repairing benches and fences in his Podolsk district.
Only the "Education" column indicates that Viktor Smirnov graduated from the Dnipropetrovsk Medical Institute (now the Medical Academy of the Ministry of Health of Ukraine) in 1988 and received a medical degree. But where and what did he work for the next 12 years? For some reason, he prefers to carefully conceal this. And the only connection to his medical background is his wife, Natalia Grigorievna Smirnova, who works as the head of the tuberculosis department of the Dnipro Regional Clinical and Preventive Department of Phthisiology. Incidentally, it turns out the couple has long lived in different parts of the country: the husband in Kyiv, the wife in Dnipro. Another oddity!
His current career began only in 2000, when Smirnov earned (or bought) a business management degree from MAUP. It would seem that a doctor (if he was a doctor) wouldn't need such a degree, unless he was planning to open a private practice or a pharmacy. But Smirnov didn't open anything, instead landing the position of Deputy Head of the Dnipropetrovsk Regional State Administration's Department of Protocol and Mass Events (he later became its head). The position itself isn't exactly lucrative, but the constant proximity to the governor's office offers ample opportunities for resourceful individuals—and Smirnov took advantage of them. So it's unlikely he was hired off the street through an ad, but who placed him there remains unclear. However, it's worth noting that this happened during the governorship of Mykola Shvets (1999-2003).
Shvets was the first elected mayor of Dnipropetrovsk, and then Kuchma appointed him governor—a position he held for the longest time. As mayor, governor, and later chairman of the regional council, Shvets carried out "great privatization" in the region, effectively facilitating the takeover and seizure of the most profitable enterprises by the largest oligarchic clans and organized crime groups. Besides his connection to Kuchma's son-in-law, Victor PinchukShvets lobbied Privat's interests in every possible way. For example, when Kolomoisky gained control of Ukrnafta in 2003, Shvets joined the corporation's supervisory board. Their close relationship has remained strong, and in 2014, after becoming governor himself, Kolomoisky appointed Shvets as his advisor. Consequently, most of the corruption scandals that erupted around Shvets were also linked to Privat. For example, when he served as Kuchma's advisor from 2003 to 2005, he facilitated the illegal privatization. Foros sanatorium "Tavria" And 12 hectares of adjacent land, which ended up in the ownership of Privat. That's who Smirnov became the head of protocol for!
Some information about Viktor Smirnov's Dnipropetrovsk past Skelet.Org The data was compiled from open databases and testimonies of city residents. For example, Finance and Trust LLC (EDRPOU 20246795), founded in 1993, is now defunct, but its former co-owners included Viktor Smirnov himself, as well as Gennady Grishchenko and Sergey Vershinin. Who are his partners?
In the 2000s, Gennady Grishchenko was deputy head of the "Department for Control of Leisure and Entertainment" (registered as a municipal enterprise) in the city of Dnipropetrovsk. Along with his boss, Vitaly Krupitsky, Grishchenko was directly involved in overseeing numerous gaming halls and casinos, according to sources. Skelet.Org, making a good living off this. Moreover, he continued to profit even after the business was officially banned in 2009, helping to organize gambling halls under various "covers" (internet cafes, lottery outlets, etc.). The dirty money was laundered, among other things, through the "Dnipropetrovsk Region Youth Charity Fund" (25799464), whose founders were Gennady Grishchenko, Deputy Chairman of the Regional Council Valeriy Pasechnik, and a certain Oleksandr Semenko. The latter is known to have worked for a time in the Dnipropetrovsk City Council's Department of Humanitarian Policy, headed a regional "Cossack" organization, and in 2018 was accused of embezzling a large sum of money from the company "Senko Group," where he served as director for two years.
Sergey Vershinin is now known as the owner of the private enterprise "Alfa Prim" (33516692) and the director of the Dnipropetrovsk Regional Association of Security Companies (38199729). He assumed this position in 2016, replacing former SBU officer Anatoly Semiryadchenko. But what did Vershinin do in the 2000s, and from what background (law enforcement or criminal activity) did he enter the security business? It is only known that during the heyday of the gambling business (from the 1990s to 2009), he was protected not only by local government officials but also by security forces and organized crime groups. Now it is clear what brought this trio together.
But Viktor Smirnov left the lush pastures of his native Dnepropetrovsk in 2005, following Yuri YekhanurovTheir relationship resembled passionate love at first sight: Yekhanurov arrived in Dnipropetrovsk in April 2005 and served as governor there until September, after which he returned to Kyiv, becoming prime minister (replacing Yulia Tymoshenko), taking Viktor Smirnov with him. What attracted the "visiting" Yekhanurov to him is unknown, but he remained close to him for several years. To begin with, Yekhanurov appointed him deputy head of the Protocol Service of the Prime Minister of Ukraine. A remarkable career boost!
In 2006, the "velvet coup" occurred. Yekhanurov lost his premiership and went to the Verkhovna Rada—and Smirnov followed him, becoming his assistant and consultant. This is also a very significant moment: if Smirnov's activities had been limited to his immediate duties in the Protocol Service, he could easily have worked there under other prime ministers. Who cares who schedules meetings, trips, and press conferences?! Which means there was something else between them, something different. They don't look like "lovebirds," which means their office "romance" was based on corruption. But then again, did Yekhanurov really find such a trusted assistant during a brief "business trip" to Dnipropetrovsk? There are two options: either Smirnov asked for it himself, somehow convincing Yekhanurov of his indispensability, or he was "gifted" to Yekhanurov by one of the Dnipropetrovsk "barons" for whom Smirnov initially worked. Who was it—Shvets, Kolomoisky, or someone else?
In the summer of 2007, before the snap parliamentary elections, Smirnov and Yekhanurov established the All-Ukrainian Charitable Foundation "Ukraine-UNESCO" (35199705). The foundation's official activities were limited to purchasing several hundred books and CDs for Kyiv libraries—but behind the scenes, the foundation's funds were used in the election campaign.
In December 2007, Yuriy Yekhanurov was appointed Minister of Defense of Ukraine. By early 2008, he had already hired Smirnov as his assistant, and then appointed him Director of the Department of International Defense Cooperation. As is well known, Yekhanurov's tenure at the Defense Ministry ended with a series of high-profile corruption scandals, including fuel scandals (including those related to Ukrnafta), and his resignation in the summer of 2009. He effectively fell into disgrace and was sidelined, finding a brief refuge in the Presidential Secretariat (as First Deputy), before disappearing from the scene. And that's where his "love affair" with Smirnov ended!
Smirnov saw Yekhanurov off and remained at the Ministry of Defense, working there until 2013, outlasting several "orange" and "blue" ministers: Valeriy Ivaschenko, Mykhailo Yezhel, and Dmytro Salamatin, before leaving under Pavel Lebedev. He moved to another department, becoming an aide to the Minister of Regional Development, Construction, and Housing and Utilities, Gennady Temnik, and took the position of head of the Department for Supporting the Minister's Activities. In this position, Smirnov successfully survived the second Maidan and the lustration, subsequently working closely with the new Minister of Regional Development. Vladimir GroismanThus demonstrating his talent for being a useful person for any government...
Scandal after scandal
Ukraine's construction industry has long been a hotbed of high-level corruption, and the collapse of the housing and utilities sector is now visible to the naked eye even in the capital, where geysers of burst water pipes constantly spurt from the ground. And all this didn't start yesterday, or a year, or even three years ago, but has been going on for many years. Therefore, it's more than strange that after the so-called "Revolution of Dignity," the fewest questions were asked of former Minister of Construction and Housing and Utilities Temnik. He was simply released peacefully, and his loyal aide, Viktor Smirnov, was acquitted of all lustration charges, allowing him to continue serving in the civil service.
Sergey Varis, for Skelet.Org
CONTINUED: Viktor Smirnov: Podol's corrupt boss. Part 2
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