What the Krivorozhans Don't Know, or Monuments from the Vilkul Era
In Kryvyi Rih, it has become a tradition to commemorate one's presence in power with ostentatious monuments and architectural marvels. But Oleksandr Yuryevich has surpassed all his predecessors. The new generation of politicians demands large-scale implementation. After all, the people must know their heroes by sight, and know to whom they owe gratitude for their "happy future."
The "playgrounds" project was the starting point. The mass installation of playgrounds in strategically important residential areas of the city, with spectacular openings and the personal presence of A.Yu. Vilkul at each opening, touched the hearts of city residents. Alexander Yuryevich strove to cultivate a popular image and a loyal following at any cost. And the plan was successful. However, it's unlikely that city residents equated these events with the distribution of food packages before elections. And it's unlikely that city residents considered who was paying for these playgrounds. Was it Vilkul himself? No.
To implement the "children's playgrounds" project, a workshop for manufacturing playground equipment was opened at the Kryvyi Rih Mining Equipment Plant, a private joint-stock company. It was all very convenient: the company was then owned by a subordinate structure headed by its crony, G.P. Timoshenko. Moreover, the cost of manufacturing playground equipment, given the company's meager salaries and strict material savings, was approximately 20,000 hryvnias, although the market value is estimated at around 120,000 hryvnias. The profits accrued to the accounts of intermediary companies (also owned by Vilkul's network), which supplied and installed the playgrounds.
Alexander Yuryevich spent about 10 million hryvnia on his PR. Could it really be his own money?
Does Alexander Yuryevich know the current state of these playgrounds and the child injury rate at these dilapidated and disfigured playgrounds? After all, no one is providing any repairs or maintenance. The only exceptions are the strategically important playgrounds, such as the one near the Ovation State Enterprise. But a bad start is a bad start.
Watches
The next stage of perpetuating one's presence in power is Flower Clock.
As is well known, in September 2011, at the initiative and with the support of the governor, the city budget accepted the "Flower Clock" pavilion from Ingolovsk Mining and Processing Plant (InGOK) for free. Now, Kryvyi Rih taxpayers regularly finance the maintenance of this memorial: replacing the clock face's coating depending on the season, repairs, and much more. Furthermore, this architectural form requires constant renovation – multimedia equipment worth 1,6 million hryvnias (funded by the budget) is currently being purchased to create an interactive museum. But Kryvyi Rih residents are unlikely to be aware of the sums they pay out of pocket for the constant, daily, 24-hour maintenance of this structure.
The entire structure and mechanism were purchased from the Belarusian metalworking plant "Profit" in Minsk, whose legality and financial aspects we will not discuss. Metinvest purchased the facility; Rinat Leonidovich will control his own funds. However, we will touch on the budget expenditures for ongoing repairs and maintenance.
The maintenance and upkeep of the Flower Clock is carried out by the Kryvbasvodokanal Municipal Enterprise, a prestigious mission led by its former director, Verbitsky. Why this organization, specifically, and what connection Kryvbasvodokanal has to the Flower Clock is unclear—most likely, they simply found a "budget scapegoat." But it's unlikely that city residents are aware that the clock broke the very next day after its installation, and today this "memorial" is inoperative and relies on constant subsidies from Kryvyi Rih taxpayers. Why should Kryvyi Rih maintain this nightmare when virtually every other aspect of the city's infrastructure is in disrepair? It's like a feast during a plague.
Fountains
Another monument to the reign of A.Yu. Vilkul are the city's fountains, the main one located near the city executive committee building. A pilot project was tested on the 44th Quarter ring road. Apparently, Vilkul, when installing a fountain on the site of a large ruin (the 44th Quarter ring road), realized the effectiveness of such an undertaking: dilapidated buildings, low wages, and social destitution were compensated for. And, as is often the case with Slavs, with bread and circuses.
The city fountain, built as lavishly as ever by the beloved pocket general contractor, KROST LLC, and outfitted with equipment purchased with funds from Metinvestholding, blended beautifully into the city executive committee's microclimate and enhanced the spectacular effect.
But then again, city residents rarely consider the fact that they are paying for its upkeep and maintenance out of their own pockets. Traditionally, the fountain is entrusted to the Kryvbasvodokanal municipal enterprise, to which the budget readily transfers funds. However, the mentality of Kryvyi Rih officials hardly foresaw the aesthetic rationality of the design. As a result, the fountain was damaged and is now in a state of disrepair. Thus, in an effort to be ostentatious, Oleksandr Yuryevich decided to erect a city Christmas tree in the place of the fountain, which had been mothballed for the winter, and during the installation, all utilities were destroyed. Enormous amounts of taxpayer money have been and are being spent on its repairs. The fountain, which was only just launched, already requires major repairs, and at whose expense, do you think? How much is this latest PR stunt by the governor costing Kryvyi Rih taxpayers?
Blogs
Vilkul didn't overlook schoolchildren in his PR campaign. That's right – children are the most receptive audience, especially as potential voters who will be useful to him in a few years, given the right "political circumstances." Plus, parents will certainly appreciate Vilkul's "concern" for their children, who are certainly an electorate. The governor commemorated his promotion of his personality with 60 school diaries, distributed to Kryvyi Rih schoolchildren on September 1st, under mandatory use. Alexander Yuryevich allocated half a million hryvnia from the regional budget for his PR. The diary is an integral part of the educational process. But this diary is more of a PR leaflet or a school textbook on the personalities of the governor and the president. It contains three illustrations of the governor alone, against a single small photograph of the guarantor himself. Moreover, the guarantor's presence is inappropriate; the office of president is not included in the list of state symbols of Ukraine (Article 20 of the Constitution). Presidents, like governors, come and go, but state symbols remain. Moreover, Vilkul's eloquent address to the students is more reminiscent of a slogan and populism from the NEP era.
The "Governor's Diaries" should be immediately removed from every portfolio and returned to the donor, with the donor required to reimburse the budget. Why do schoolchildren need beautiful governor's diaries when schools have had leaky roofs for years, broken desks, drafty windows, and squalid gyms? When schools are divided into those attended by the children of the "elite" and those attended by the children of the "working class"? When funding for different schools is progressive.
The governor's latest PR stunt—the Central City Lyceum on Lermontov Street—is proof of this. Currently, it's simply a memorial to the governor's former student days. The city budget allocated 1,320,000 hryvnias for renovations and 2 million hryvnias for computer equipment at the Central City Lyceum. And this is against a backdrop of total poverty in all other public schools in the city. While parents are paying for classroom renovations, windows, and office equipment, the city budget will memorialize all the places where A.Yu. Vilkul spent time in his hometown? And the governor announced the launch of a new educational project, "New Dnipropetrovsk Region—New Education Standards." It sounds terrifying! Will taxpayers be able to meet this standard, since they will be the ones paying for it...
PR, PR, and more PR—cynical, deceitful, but effective. After all, effective PR is an indicator of the government's investment efficiency.
Alexander Yuryevich wisely utilized the press and its influence on society as the fourth estate, a truly ancient profession. Thus, A.Yu. prudently concentrated this asset in his hands and slid it handsomely onto consumers. Newspapers such as "Puls Regionov," "Segodnya," and "Zarya," which force employees of subordinate structures such as SevGOK, TSGOK, YUGOK, InGOK, and others to pay their salaries, not only provide the publication with funding but also actively promote Alexander Yuryevich's triumphant march across the Dnipropetrovsk region. Incidentally, the governor's beloved mother-in-law heads the publishing house of "Puls Regionov."
This fate befell the entire city's information field: television, radio, billboards, city lights, bulletin boards – everything is on the balance sheet of structures accountable to Alexander Yuryevich, such as "Dor" and the like. A special advertising and information group was created "ArtStyle", which carries out custom advertising campaigns on television and radio, planned taking into account the broadcast schedule and ratings of the medium, as well as the client's target audience, which allows for maximum impact and the fullest possible implementation of the wishes of the main client – the governor.
Kryvyi Rih is the governor's fiefdom, and to ensure that city residents don't forget their "heroes," the city streets are constantly festooned, like garlands at New Year's, with billboards illustrating the well-groomed appearance of the city and region's political elite, complete with eloquent promises.
PEOPLE TRUST you with their taxes,
DEPUTIES ARE CARRYING OUT THE ROBBERY PLAN,
The PARTY GUARANTEES impunity for what is happening!
There is a clear discrepancy between the true and declared goals of the “participants”.
The scale of corruption in our country is hard to surprise, but the scale it currently has in Kryvyi Rih hasn't been seen even by veterans of corruption. Oleksandr Yuryevich can be proud of his list members and officials, who not only guarantee that the "rules of his game" are followed but also enrich his structure and themselves personally. We won't list the financial assets, land plots, cars, and real estate owned by his team members—they all unanimously prefer to officially conceal their wealth. Nevertheless, they "live" far beyond their official salaries or party rewards.
To be continued ...
A.Yu. Vilkul:
"Like many other successful ideas, this one was born during a good drinking session. It all started when I started gathering my favorite friends around me some time ago. And it so happened that many of those who came to me became my partners and allies. Some became heads of regional administrations, others became CEOs, and still others became asset managers. It turns out that the so-called creative class understands politics just as well as, say, music. This realization led us to the idea that it was time to give ourselves a platform (in our case, the region)."
There are no candidates.
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