These days, MP Vitaliy Kupriy's activity level is simply off the charts. He manages to bark in all directions at once. Apparently, thanks to this talent, Igor Kolomoisky has enlisted Kupriy as one of his loyal dogs, or rather, as his rank-and-file mutts.
Now Kupriy has been tasked with shaking the chair of Petro Poroshenko (Read more about it in the article Petro Poroshenko: Biography and the Truth About Ukraine's "Chocolate King"). However, while Vitaly Nikolaevich slowly saws away the leg of the presidential chair, his crystal-clear reputation is crumbling at the seams. Skelet.Org We've managed to uncover the true identity of human rights activist Vitaliy Kupriy. We introduce you to the economic swindler, corrupt official, and thief.
Vitaliy Kupriy, a member of parliament without a work record book.
Vitaly Nikolaevich Kupriy was born on August 20, 1973, in Dneprodzerzhinsk (Kamenskoye). He is currently a member of the 8th convocation of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine and deputy head of the Verkhovna Rada Committee on Legislative Support for Law Enforcement. Kupriy is one of the leaders of the UKROP political party (Read about the party in the article UKROP – Dnipropetrovsk patriots "in law"), a member of the MDO "Deputy Control" (an equally well-known person also speaks on behalf of "Deputy Control", but, in the opinion of Skelet.Org, the very "shady" Evgeny Deidey. To understand why we consider him "shady," just read: Evgeniy Deidey – a “fake” hero).
It is known that Kupriy graduated from high school with honors in 1990, from Dnipropetrovsk University with a degree in economics in 1995, and from Macquarie University in Australia with a Master of Business Administration in 2002.
The deputy's official biography states that between 1995 and 2006, while still a student at the time, Kupriy was successfully engaged in business in construction and advertising sales.
In 2007, Kupriy became the head of the Dniprodzerzhinsk Human Rights Union. In 2008, he ran for mayor of Dniprodzerzhinsk, but finished second. Until 2010, he headed the Alternative Executive Committee of Dniprodzerzhinsk. And in October 2010, he was elected to the Dniprodzerzhinsk City Council.
During the Maidan, Kupriy was active in Kyiv, serving as the duty commandant of the Kyiv City State Administration and heading the legal department. In 2014, Vitaliy Nikolaevich headed the Commission for Combating Corruption and Crime in Dniprodzerzhynsk.
Kupriy is known to be interested in philosophy and psychology and is the author of the book "Evil That Rules the World, or the Path to Happiness." Kupriy, a candidate master of sports in powerlifting, is a senior lieutenant in the Ukrainian Armed Forces reserve. However, he is not eager to serve in the ATO zone. His official biography states that Kupriy is married and has three children.
Another interesting fact is that before Yavru's arrival, Kupriy had no work record, meaning he hadn't had a single year of work experience. This raises the question: how did an ordinary Ukrainian become a businessman from infancy, and where did he get the start-up capital? Did his friend Igor Kolomoisky lend him some money?
Vitaly Kupriy. Servant of Three Masters
For the past 10 years, Vitaliy Kupriy has been actively pursuing power. This is likely why he has been so active in battling local authorities, attempting to gain positions as city council secretary and then as mayor of Dniprodzerzhynsk.
In his hometown, Vitaliy Kupriy was known as a staunch human rights activist, deputy chairman of the Dnipro Human Rights Union, and a fighter against all odds. However, Kupriy fought not for people's rights, but for ratings points.
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For example, the story of his alleged politically motivated beating proved a great PR boost for Kupriy. At the time, Dnipropetrovsk regional police declared that they saw no political motive in the attack on Kupriy. However, Kupriy, a member of the Dniprodzerzhynsk City Council who was "beaten" in the courtyard of his office on November 10, 2011, claimed that Mayor Stanislav Safronov had orchestrated the attack. "A few days before the attack, I submitted to the City Council a draft resolution on the early termination of Mayor Stanislav Safronov's term of office due to his violation of Ukrainian laws," stated Vitaliy Kupriy. He then claimed that Safronov had threatened him with violence.
However, the "Regionals" proved too much for the fake human rights activist Kupriy. Vitaliy Mykolayovych's luck only returned in 2014, when the Maidan wave swept him to the top. Initially, Kupriy unexpectedly signed up as an advisor to the chairman of the Dnipropetrovsk Regional State Administration, Ihor Kolomoisky. A representative of nationalist political forces worked in cahoots with Kupriy for Benya's benefit. Andrey DenisenkoLater, Kupriy and Denisenko ran together in the Verkhovna Rada through a single-member constituency. But, notably, both were nominated by the president's party.
Speaking of Dnisenko, he is a representative of the Right Sector, and before that he was an advisor to the leader of the All-Ukrainian Union Svoboda, Oleh Tyahnybok (read about it in the article Oleh Tyahnybok: Sponsors and allies of the Ukrainian nationalist) and even ran for parliament as a member of parliament from Svoboda, but he finished in a difficult 53rd place. Meanwhile, in 2014, when Vitaliy Kupriy won in the 29th district, he represented Svoboda, even though the "Candidate Information" section on the Central Election Commission's official website indicated that he was non-partisan.
In November 2014, Vitaliy Nikolayevich won a seat in the Verkhovna Rada. Kupriy and Denisenko managed to outwit the chocolate king and use his party as a tool for their entry into the Verkhovna Rada. But Kupriy was never a supporter of the BPP.
Vitaliy Nikolaevich can easily be considered part of Kolomoisky's team. Another fact confirming this is that Vitaliy Kupriy was previously a member of the "Ukraine of the Future" party, led by Svyatoslav Oliynyk. He served as acting deputy chairman of the Dnipropetrovsk Regional State Administration.
Skelet.Org He considers it worth mentioning that Denisenko personally helped Kupriy advance his political career, having asked Kolomoisky to do so on his behalf. Incidentally, Kupriy not only served as Kolomoisky's advisor on law enforcement and crime prevention, but also as a freelance advisor to the Minister of Ecology on anti-corruption matters.
After Poroshenko removed Kolomoisky from his post as governor on March 25, 2015, Kupriy bluntly announced his resignation from the BPP, and Denisenko immediately followed suit.
Kupriy, out of the blue, accused Poroshenko of destabilizing the situation. The reasons for such abrupt changes in Kupriy's behavior were rooted in Kolomoisky's dismissal. It's likely that the offended Benya immediately unleashed all his lapdogs on Petro Aekseevich. Incidentally, immediately after Kupriy and Denisenko, Kolomoisky's protégés, MPs Valentyn Didych and Oleksandr Dubinin, also left the BPP faction.
As early as April 2015, Kupriy began actively campaigning against Poroshenko. His first claim was that taxpayers were funding the casting of Solidarity candidates. "We all remember how Poroshenko used administrative resources to ensure his candidate's victory in the 205th electoral district in Chernihiv. It's clear that officials' numerous trips to the district and the organization of the election process were carried out during working hours and at public expense. Now we have a continuation of this," stated Vitaliy Kupriy. "The presidential team has decided to put aside state affairs in order to try to cling to power through corruption. No one cares about reforms, war, or the miserable level of wages and pensions. That's it! 'The district committee has closed – everyone has gone to the polls!'" Kupriy added.
The people's deputy immediately began to actively attack Poroshenko's close associates, including Prosecutor General Yarema (information about him: Vitaly Yarema, "Honest Cop" and Sergei Dumchev's godfather), Kyiv prosecutor Yuldashev. Now Kupriy has switched to Arsen Avakov (more about him - Arsen Avakov: The criminal past of the Minister of Internal Affairs).
It's worth noting that Kupriy actively supports the blockade in Donbas, which exacerbates the economic crisis in Ukraine and clearly harms Rinat Akhmetov (toward whom Kolomoisky has a "genetic" dislike) and smaller oligarchs. For example, Anton Prygodskyy (for his biography, incriminating evidence, and the reasons why this is a hindrance to Prygodskyy, see the article). Anton Prigodsky: Yanukovych's first "grey cardinal"). Kupriy is also a supporter of the overthrow of the current government.
Another example of Kupriy going out of his way for publicity is his lawsuit last year against the mayor of Dniprodzerzhynsk. The reason for the lawsuit is laughable. The deputy was dissatisfied that his inquiry addressed to the mayor was not answered by Andriy Belousov himself, but by his deputy, Oleksandr Malenkov. Kupriy was seeking information regarding the register of legal entities and individuals using land plots without a contract. Interestingly, Kupriy was satisfied with the content of the response, but he filed the lawsuit out of resentment against the mayor for not personally responding. Ultimately, Judge Tatyana Ostroverkh explained to the deputy in the courtroom that the mayor is not an executive body as such and that the relevant deputies have every legal right to respond to such inquiries.
Greasy stains on Kupriy's reputation
Despite the fact that short-sighted PR people are currently trying to portray Kupriy as a crystal-clear fighter for justice, the tarnished reputation of the people's deputy cannot be erased.
As noted by Skelet.OrgApparently, the internet has been thoroughly scrubbed of any negative mentions of Kupriy. Well, let's fill that void.
For example, in August 2012, Galina Kurapiatnikova, director of the Municipal Information Service, stated that Vitaliy Kupriy owed the company she represented approximately 170,000 hryvnias. Kupriy owed for the use of billboards. Over three years, he earned approximately 540,000 hryvnias from the billboards, despite Kupriy not having paid for the structures since March 2009. At that time, he was using the billboards for commercial purposes—placing commercial advertising posters. Remarkably, after a court ruling requiring the city to pay for the illegal use of the advertising structures and the dismantling of the structures, the billboards were torn down overnight. Kupriy himself was instrumental in the demolition.
Vitaly Nikolaevich also has criminal records in land matters. For example, in 2012, local authorities in Dneprodzerzhinsk sued Kupriy for concealing and failing to pay rent for the land beneath a store on Lenin Avenue.
Incidentally, it is known that the deputy restricted Ukrainian citizens' access to the reservoir and land plots around Blue Lake, which, with a light hand, ended up in the hands of Kupriy's friends and associates.
Kupriy's disastrous PR campaign involving the lie detector test is also worth mentioning. The MP decided to gain publicity by taking the test, thereby proving his squeaky-clean reputation. But things didn't go as planned. The polygraph revealed that the MP lied when he claimed he hadn't received corrupt income. Furthermore, according to the study, the claims that Vitaliy Kupriy's voters weren't bribed are not credible.
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By the way, Skelet.Org It has become known that Kupriy is closely acquainted with Yulia Tymoshenko, who is now actively patronizing him and pushing an anti-government line, which, according to many "svidomites," coincides with Vladimir Putin's. Kupriy, however, is now a "servant of three masters" and tries to serve everyone.
The pseudo-activities of the absentee deputy Vitaly Kupriy
Vitaly Kupriy's name is now on everyone's lips and in everyone's sights, thanks to his unhealthy presence on every fourth billboard or city light in Kyiv (remember, this is how parliamentary candidate Dumchev "promoted" himself in Kyiv, according to the work of a "well-known PR man" from the Obozrevatel website, Mykhailo Podolyak, thanks to whom he lost the election. And he lost very dearly. Read more about Dumchev in the article Dumchev. The Era of Political Déjà Vu in Kyiv). He's portrayed as an active patriot of Ukraine and a super-deputy. But let's face it. The numbers don't lie. According to Verkhovna Rada data, between November 2014 and February 22, 2017, Kupriy attended 148 parliamentary sessions and was absent 124 times. Converting these numbers to percentages, it's 54% to 46%. It turns out that Vitaliy Nikolayevich goes to work every other day. Meanwhile, Kupriy was absent 63 times for unknown reasons. A good worker, right? And don't forget that he receives a salary, travels and flies for free, and rents an apartment funded by taxpayers.
In more than two years, Vitaly Nikolaevich spoke in the Rada only 13 times.
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During the same period, he submitted only 22 parliamentary inquiries. Incidentally, none of them were addressed to the Ukrainian president, even though Kupriy regularly opposes Petro Poroshenko.
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It is also interesting that Kupriy is so busy with his own PR that he even forgets to vote for European integration initiatives.
Financial fraud and inconsistencies in Kupriy's declarations
As we have already noted, Vitaly Nikolaevich, according to his official biography, became rich through a successful business.
Interestingly, Kupriy opened his private enterprise in 2006, although his biography states that he was engaged in entrepreneurship from 1995 to 2006. If the data from the register of individual entrepreneurs is to be trusted, and it can be, then Kupriy was engaged in illegal entrepreneurship for nine years.
According to the register, Vitaly Nikolaevich opened a private enterprise with the following services: “notary and legal activities (while remembering that Kupriy is an economist), consulting on commercial activities and management, advertising activities, leasing of his own real estate” in 2006.
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In July 2010, Kupriy closed this state of emergency.
For over a year afterward, Kupriy was out of work, at least officially. It's hard to believe, however, that his stores in Kamenskoye sat idle for all that time. Therefore, we can safely assume that Vitaly Nikolaevich has returned to illegal business.
By October 2011, Kupriy had already opened another private enterprise. Kupriy's activities then included: "other types of retail trade in non-specialized stores, leasing of his own or existing real estate, legal activities, and operating an advertising agency."
In July 2014, ahead of the elections, Kupriy closed his private enterprise, and in November 2014, he became a member of parliament, despite not declaring a single kopeck of salary during his two months in office. At the same time, Irina Kupriy opened a private enterprise with the same business activities as her husband. Essentially, in anticipation of his election, Kupriy simply transferred the business to his wife.
And here's what interesting things we managed to discover Skelet.OrgIrina Kupriy registered her private enterprise on November 4, 2014.
Meanwhile, Vitaly Nikolaevich's declaration lists a simply staggering sum his wife earned in two months of childbirth: 944,047 hryvnias. Kupriy himself, for the first seven months of 2014, declared 238,105 hryvnias in business income. This is despite Kupriy's total annual income for 2013 being only 292,000 hryvnias.
Interestingly, while Ukraine is engulfed in an economic crisis, Vitaliy Kupriy's own income is doubling. If you add up all the income from the family business for 2014, it becomes clear that Kupriy's income has increased fivefold.
Incidentally, if we look at the dates of Iryna Kupriy's private enterprise registration and Vitaliy Kupriy's private enterprise closure, the question arises: why were at least two stores and the MP's consulting bureau operating illegally between July and November 2014? But that's not all. Skelet.Org dug even deeper...
Let's first look at Kupriy and his wife's income for the period 2013-2016. In 2013, Vitaliy Kupriy's business brought him 292,000 UAH, and in 2014, over the first seven months, he earned 238,105 UAH. In 2014, Kupriy became a member of parliament, but he failed to declare his salary for November and December. In 2015, the MP declared only 73,472 UAH as his salary, and in 2016, he declared twice as much – 147,293 UAH.
Interestingly, in 2015, Kupriy declared 1 hryvnias as income from the sale of movable property, despite all of the MP's previously declared vehicles remaining intact and safe. So, it's not at all clear what vehicle Kupriy sold for 1 hryvnias. A neighbor's bicycle?
Let's look further... In 2015, Kupriy received UAH 67,513 in compensation for damages, and in 2016, Kupriy received UAH 433,191 in insurance payments. So what valuable thing did the deputy lose? His conscience, perhaps? Incidentally, we'll return to his parliamentary conscience a little later...
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Let's move on to the MP's real estate. In 2013, Kupriy owned a 32-square-meter apartment in Yalta (purchased for 200 UAH) and a 60-square-meter country house in Kamenskoye (purchased for 100 UAH).
In 2016, the majority MP's real estate holdings were expanded with a 91,2-square-meter apartment in Georgia. In his asset declaration, Kupriy noted that he purchased it in July 2016 for UAH 1,116,691. Strange patriotic motives, don't they? Another interesting fact: in January 2016, Kupriy received a 131,2-square-meter apartment in Kyiv free of charge. Meanwhile, the state reimbursed him UAH 168,360 for rent in the capital over the course of the year. One wonders if the MP's conscience bothers him, as he has his own place and a mountain of cash, yet lives off the taxes of impoverished Ukrainians.
And here's another interesting point: under the "expenses" heading, Kupriy indicated that he purchased an apartment in Ukraine for 1,116,691 UAH. However, as we noted above, Kupriy purchased the apartment for the same amount in Georgia. There's a discrepancy. But that's not all. Kupriy also noted that in 2016, he purchased a vehicle in Georgia for 99,265 UAH, but he didn't declare it.
Thus, as of today, the deputy is registered as the owner of a 1996 Mazda E2200 worth 50 thousand UAH, a 2012 Renault Logan 1400 worth 100 thousand UAH, a 2005 Chrysler 300C worth 95 thousand 295 UAH, a 2000 Kawasaki ZZR motorcycle worth 20 thousand UAH, and a 2001 Bavaria 44 yacht, purchased in 2013 for 639 thousand 952 UAH.
Interestingly, the yacht appeared in the MP's 2015 asset declaration, although it was purchased three years earlier. Incidentally, in the 2016 declaration, the deputy's Chrysler 300C somehow lost 105 hryvnias in value. Incidentally, there's another discrepancy: the 1996 Mazda E2200 is missing from the 2015 declaration posted on the Verkhovna Rada website.
Kupriy owns two stores—a store with a 310-square-meter office and a non-grocery store with a 288-square-meter office. Both were purchased at one time for 1 million hryvnias each.
Now let's look into Kupriy's family's affairs. The MP's official biography states that he has three children, yet his declarations keep naming them and then disappearing them. In 2013, Kupriy noted that his family included his wife and daughter. In 2014, Kupriy added a son, Ostap, and in 2015, the daughter disappeared, but an adult adopted son was added. Meanwhile, in his declaration on the Verkhovna Rada website, Kupriy's adopted son remains listed as a daughter. The confusion continues until 2016. In his most recent declaration, the MP notes that he lives with his wife, their son, Ostap, and his adopted son, Maksym. Perhaps he's unsure whether the children are his?
Judging by the MP's declarations, his wife never worked a day anywhere; her main task until 2014 was to stay at home and have children, but already in 2014, Irina Kupriy became the owner of her husband's business.
Let's take a closer look at Irina Nikolaevna's income. In 2013, she received 12 thousand UAH in financial assistance (in honor of what?), in 2014 she declared 8 thousand UAH in financial assistance and 944 thousand 47 UAH in income from entrepreneurship; in 2015 — 989 thousand 500 UAH in income from entrepreneurship; in 2016 — 990 thousand 140 UAH in income from entrepreneurship and 12 thousand 40 UAH in social assistance. In 2015 and 2016, Kupriy's budget was also replenished by her adopted son. Maksym Solomka brought home 3 thousand 830 UAH and 47 thousand 959 UAH in scholarships (wow!).
Until 2015, Iryna Nikolaevna was penniless. But immediately after her husband became a member of parliament, the businesswoman bought a 63,4 square meter apartment for the paltry sum of 145 hryvnias. Incidentally, this type of property is not listed in Vitaliy Kupriy's 2015 asset declaration on the Verkhovna Rada website. Iryna Nikolaevna declared $30 in cash in 2015 and $10 in 2016.
And here's the inconsistency. $30, by the most rough estimates, is 800,000 hryvnias. It's worth remembering that Iryna Nikolaevna earned around 990,000 hryvnias and bought an apartment for 145,000 hryvnias. Meanwhile, her husband earned only 73,000 hryvnias. Well, you have to admit, it's hard to believe that a family of five could live in Kyiv on such a pittance. And here's another interesting point: Kupriy's compensation for rent and travel exceeds his income, making it completely unclear how, having received only 73,000 hryvnias in salary, the MP spent three or four times more.
Cube from Skelet.Org, for a break from reading:
Today, we've presented just a few facts that confirm the hypocrisy of Vitaliy Kupriy, the puppet and lapdog (Kupriy is most often featured on TSN news on Kolomoisky's 1+1 channel. Strange, huh?). Surprisingly, while ordinary Ukrainians struggle to get by, the wealthy businessman Kupriy is squandering every penny from the budget, traveling at the state's expense, and living in Kyiv at the state's expense. Meanwhile, the MP is in no hurry to work in the Rada; you'd never find him at a session during the day. This isn't surprising, given that MP Kupriy is busy with land fraud, developing his business, and buying up real estate, including abroad. That's what Vitaliy Kupriy's parliamentary conscience is all about... something special.
Valeria Romanova, for Skelet.Org
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