Zhebrivsky's staffing is truly unique. At one point, the obscure Oleksandr Klymenko served on his team as deputy head of administration. During Yanukovych's presidency, this Donetsk magnate, who never quite rose to the level of oligarch, led Kostenkov's People's Party, a fragment of the RUKh party, in the region, and served as Kostenkov's deputy. He actively supported all appointments of senior officials from the previous regime in the Verkhovna Rada through votes. Under Zhebrivsky and his predecessor, Kikhtenko, Oleksandr Klymenko is a respected deputy head of the regional administration. The infamous second deputy was Mykhailo Slivka, the longtime head of domestic policy in the Donetsk regional state administration during the reign of the Party of Regions. Slivka, a pensioner, now works for Zhebrivsky, also in domestic policy.
However, if these figures were inherited by Zhebrivsky from Kikhtenko, who headed the military-civil administration until last summer, then the current selection of personnel is just as disastrous and disastrous.
You don't have to look far for examples. Currently, the acting deputy chairman and chief of staff of the military-civilian administration is a very interesting individual: Sergey Leonidovich Popov. Those familiar with the Donetsk elite remember this young man well—a business partner of Yanukovych's own governor, Shishatsky. That this young man enjoyed his patron's complete trust is evident from well-known events.
When Yanukovych fled in February 2014, his allies in the region attempted to gain control of the situation and escape the control of the new Kyiv authorities. For example, Donetsk Mayor Oleksandr Lukyanchenko took decisive action.
On March 1, the Donetsk City Council, at an extraordinary session, decided to consider Russia a strategic partner for Donbas. At the Donetsk City Council session, deputies decided to hold a referendum in the region. The document was sent to the regional council for consideration. On March 4, the Donetsk Regional Prosecutor's Office filed a petition with the District Administrative Court demanding that the Donetsk City Council's decision "On Assessing the Political Situation in Donbas" of March 1, 2014, be overturned. Following Lukyanchenko, Donetsk Regional Council Chairman Andriy Shishatsky (who by then had already changed his office sign) held a session of the regional council on March 3, which adopted Resolution No. 6/29-704 of March 3, 2014. "According to this decision, the deputies decided to hold a referendum in the region," say those involved in those events. Shishatsky acted quickly and quite effectively. Someone was clearly manipulating him. On March 13, Shishatsky issued an order establishing a working group to implement this decision. Immediately afterward, he convened the newly formed working group. There was no discussion of the group's candidates, even in the regional council, which is under the control of the regional leaders; the list was approved by Shishatsky alone. Several mayors of the Donetsk region, citing the need to implement the regional council's decision, brought their delegations to Donetsk to participate in the rally. The Donetsk regional prosecutor's office never challenged the legality of this decision. A meeting of the working group was held on March 18, and all its members participated. Interestingly, our hero, Sergei Popov, was also there, representing... pro-Ukrainian patriots of Donbas. This was after people died at a pro-Ukrainian rally in mid-March. The issue of the region's accession to Russia was discussed at the meeting. And this happened after the regional council, at an extraordinary session on March 3, condemned calls for the secession of the Donetsk region from Ukraine. However, at the same time… it announced a referendum on joining the Russian Federation. It seems the deputies were consuming glass cleaner instead of vodka and cognac! Meanwhile, resistance to these actions was growing in the region. The public association "Committee of Patriotic Forces of Donbas" (CPFD) was created. Mass pro-Ukrainian rallies began in the city. And Serezha Popov, not without the prompting of his senior comrade, joined the patriots. But then the "boss" decided to use him as a well-known rubber product and appointed him to the working group. However, he was not the only one performing similar functions in this movement. Grishin (Semchenko), for example, a volunteer battalion commander, was nonetheless among the forces seizing the Donetsk Regional State Administration building, which was captured on video and published online. Moreover, on March 14, during a pro-Ukrainian rally, he and his men simply abandoned the protesters, even though he was supposed to be providing security. The result was deaths and injuries.
Zhebrivsky is currently courting a Yushchenko-era figure, Andriy Kislinsky, for the position of head of the Donetsk Military-Civil Administration's Department of Domestic Policy. It turns out that Zhebrivsky, head of the Donetsk Military-Civil Administration, has taken a liking to Mr. Kislinsky and decided to appoint him head of his administration's Department of Domestic Policy. According to some reports, this candidacy is now being reviewed by the Poroshenko administration.
Let me enlighten the readers a bit. The surname "Kislinsky" caused quite a stir during the reign and presidency of Poroshenko's godfather, Yushchenko.
This year, in March, journalists learned that "the notorious aide to President Viktor Yushchenko, Andriy Kislinsky, could become acting director of the Department of Internal Policy of the Donetsk Regional Military-Civil Administration." Everyone in Kramatorsk was buzzing about it. One online publication even tracked Kislinsky's arrival at the Department and attempts to manage its work, although there was no appointment order. Then, supposedly, things calmed down. But this was merely a semblance of calm. As one might assume, to mitigate public outcry and circumvent lustration regulations, Kislinsky may be appointed not as the department's director, but as its first deputy—acting director. Furthermore, a reorganization of the Department of Internal Policy is planned to accommodate Kislinsky.
Let's take a look at this "figure's" biography so people at least know who's trying to fool them in this area. Much has been written about him online in his time.
So who is he, Kislinsky, Andrei Nikolaevich?
Andrey Nikolaevich was born on April 4, 1975, in the town of Krasny Luch in the Luhansk region, just like the ever-famous Natalia Korolevskaya. They share many connections... In 1994, he graduated from the Krasny Luch Mining College (specializing in "operation and repair of mining electromechanical and automated equipment"). In 2000, according to his autobiography, he graduated with a degree in history from the Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv (as a teacher of history). However, it later turned out that he hadn't attended university but had simply forged his diploma.
1993-1994 - manager of the Krasnoluch company "Coral".
1994-1995 - Deputy Director of the Coral Advertising agency.
1995-1998 - Manager of JSC Industrial and Financial Group Coral.
1998-2000 – Assistant-consultant of the Secretariat of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine.
From February to August 2001 – Director of Political Public Relations at Prime-Time PR Company.
From September 2001 to January 2005 – Chairman of the Board of Directors of Public Relations and Publicity Agency LLC.
In February-March 2005, he was the project coordinator for the information department of the International Charitable Foundation “Ukraine 3000”, created in 2001 with the participation of Viktor and Kateryna Yushchenko.
From April to November 2005, he was a full-time assistant to the President of Ukraine Viktor Yushchenko.
From November 2005 to November 2006 – Head of the Office of the President of Ukraine.
In February-September 2007 – Advisor to the President of Ukraine.
From September 2007 to June 2009 – Deputy Head of the Secretariat of the President of Ukraine.
From June to October 2009 – Deputy Head of the Security Service of Ukraine.
On October 13, 2009, by presidential decree, he was dismissed from the post of Deputy Head of the SBU after a deafening scandal involving the forgery of an educational document.
A true career breakthrough came with his successful marriage to Nastya Rzhavskaya, the younger sister of former MP and notorious millionaire Alexander Rzhavsky, who had close ties to Natalya Korolevskaya. After the diploma scandal, Kislinsky, along with Rzhavsky, resurfaced on Natalya Korolevskaya's team.
The current governor of Zakarpattia, Gennady Moskal, claimed that Kislinsky was involved in pimping in the Luhansk region in the 1990s: "He worked as a pimp on the Luhansk-Anthracite highway at the Bokovo-Platovo campsite." Moskal later contacted the archives of the Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv, where, based on a review of the rector's orders for the graduation of students from the history department, they reported that Kislinsky did not attend full-time education from 1995 to 2000, nor did he attend part-time education from 1994 to 2000. The diploma number and series reported to the parliamentarian by the Accounts Chamber do not appear in the diploma issuance registers. This information was later confirmed by then-Minister of Education and Science of Ukraine Ivan Vakarchuk, which led to Kislinsky's expulsion from the SBU. His rise to power began in the mining town of Krasny Luch, where he and Nastya Rzhavskaya, the younger sister of former parliament member and notorious millionaire Alexander Rzhavsky, published the independent newspaper "Contact." And Kislinsky and Rzhavsky's paths never diverged, as Andrei and Anastasia married and joined the family business. In 1992, Coral Bank was founded, becoming the legal successor to Montazhspetsbank. It has now been sold to Crimean businessmen and renamed Crimean Universal Bank, with an office in Simferopol. But until 2002, Anastasia Kislinskaya served as the chairperson of Coral Bank's supervisory board, with her husband and Larisa Rzhavskaya serving as board members. This was reported on the Versiya website on June 16, 2006:
"Kislinsky was recommended to Viktor Yushchenko's team by Yevhen Chervonenko, whom our hero met purely by chance. Yevhen Alfredovich headed the State Reserve Committee from 2000 to 2001. During this period, the SDPU(o) party brought various harsh accusations against him, and Kislinsky proposed an information security plan to Chervonenko. He liked it, and a collaboration began, developing a friendship. Yevhen Chervonenko then introduced Kislinsky to Roman Bezsmertny. During the 2002 parliamentary election campaign, he also met Oleh Rybachuk, who had returned from Greece, where he had worked as vice president of a bank. When Viktor Yushchenko invited him to head the presidential candidate's office, he became Rybachuk's deputy. It was at his suggestion that the structure of the future campaign headquarters of presidential candidate Viktor Yushchenko was developed. Mr. Kislinsky's career path thus follows a chain: Rzhavsky (1993) – Chervonenko (2000) – Bezsmertny (2001) – Rybachuk (2002) – Yushchenko (2004). But the foundation, nonetheless, was and remains Rzhavsky. Andriy Kislinsky and Oleksandr Rzhavsky began working for the new head of the USDP, Natalia Korolevska, in December 2011. The publication https://genshtab.info/ wrote about this in some detail at the time.
Here are some equally interesting details about our hero's work in Yushchenko's team.
"Kislinsky was the creator of Rzhavsky's scandalous brand, the so-called 'For Yushchenko!' bloc. It was on his initiative that a wealthy relative registered the 'For Yushchenko!' brand with the State Department of Intellectual Property. It got to the point that current President Petro Poroshenko rushed to sue the uninvited ally, who turned out to be worse than the Tatar. Yushchenko, however, tried to settle the matter amicably: he met with Rzhavsky, who promised to withdraw from the presidential race, and the cream of the cappuccino was skimmed off by Kislinsky, who had organized the negotiations. True, Rzhavsky then lost his cool and dragged himself to the Central Election Commission, but that was his own AWOL. Much has been written about this; details can be found at https://rupor.info/spec/dosie/novoe-delo/2009/11/20/zjat-millionera-andrej-kislinskij/
At the time, a well-known online publication quipped: "Having temporarily abandoned his familiar and fertile field of pimping, deputy chairman of the SBU, so to speak, Andrei Kislinsky, decided to somehow prove that he's not chewing the stale bread of office for nothing. And while he's at it, he might as well earn some kind of medal for Independence Day. Preferably a combat medal. However, Kislinsky decided not to follow in the footsteps of another glamorous deputy chairman, Khoroshkovsky, who took a brick to his sawed-off mug for this very reason (during the Alpha Group's arrest of a local madman). He realized, like a beast, that a scratch or, God forbid, a scar wouldn't count as an injury. They'd still think it was just a scratch, as usual, from whores. And so our "Voice" took up a third, familiar occupation after masturbation and pimping. What the sophisticated internet community calls nothing less than "shit in the comments." Moreover, due to his natural rottenness, Kislinsky did it as a simple "setup." This hero of forum battles simply began spreading information across website forums, on the one hand ostensibly promoting the current Chairman of the Security Service of Ukraine, Valentyn Nalyvaichenko, and on the other, hinting at his desire to run for President of Ukraine. Which, in essence, is a "setup." Since Viktor Andreevich Nalyvaichenko has not yet appointed a "successor," and, according to our information, he perceived such an initiative as a brazen infringement on his own "messianism." Here's what renowned internet analyst Roman ShaRP wrote about this "special operation" by Kislinsky in his LiveJournal: "Major, you have idiots working there!!!"
This odious figure is being dragged into power again. And where? To the Donetsk region!
We could talk about other shots, too. But why bother? They're mirror images of our heroes.
Pavel Ganzhara, for ORD
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