It's no secret that the Luhansk region has given Ukraine a whole galaxy of truly outstanding politicians, the vast majority of whom, in their greed and apostasy, not only reached the famous Lovecraftian peaks of madness, but also successfully overcame them.
Perhaps it was precisely this extreme madness that distinguished them from their Donetsk colleagues, who, while no less greedy and cynical, somehow managed to keep the region's industry and business afloat, recognizing that a functioning mine or a functioning factory would generate greater profits in the long term. The Luhansk people, however, never cared about long-term prospects. They weren't interested for various reasons, including the Donetsk administrative and economic expansion that began in the early 2000s. They knew that their taciturn Donbas neighbors, clad in designer suits and Breguet watches worth as much as a Luhanskteplovoz, could deprive them of their trough at any moment, so they worked exclusively for the short term.
The fruits of this "strategy" ripened very quickly: industrial districts transformed from simply subsidized into stagnant ones, employed lumpen mutated into unemployed marginals, and regular regulars of toxicology clinics and drug treatment centers sank to the bottom in anticipation of March 2014, the contours of which became increasingly clear with each passing year.
At the regional level, this process was managed by an honorary citizen of Luhansk, Oleksandr Yefremov, who had been nurtured in the Komsomol incubator of future multimillionaires. Well, how did he manage it? He had a stable "stake" in all the most profitable sectors of Luhansk's reality—cashing out, coal, smuggling, and the dismantling of the Soviet industrial legacy. In exchange for this "stake," Yefremov offered his clients a kind of franchise—taking them under his wing, ensuring tolerance from law enforcement, and, if necessary, providing cover with his honest Komsomol guise at the Kyiv level.
Besides Yefremov, the Luhansk region has also nurtured other politicians who have risen to prominence and used the region solely as a means of cashing in. For example, Yuriy Boyko, whose interests traditionally included oil refining and chemical industries. Maintaining a state of benevolent neutrality with Yefremov, who by the mid-2000s had completely lost his sense of self-importance and permissiveness, they formed their own orbits and placed their own people.
One of them is the hero of this article: People's Deputy of Ukraine from the Opposition Bloc, Sergei Dunayev, a typical example of a simple Donbass guy who came to success.
This man is currently fighting corruption as part of a relevant parliamentary committee. "CN" analyzed MP Dunayev's biography, as well as his public reporting, and concluded that he needs to start the fight against corruption with himself. But first things first.
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Residents of Lisichansk say that in the 1990s, Dunayev was a household name in the city, as the leader of the organized "Krasnyansky" group of enthusiasts engaged in racketeering. Dunayev himself, however, kept a low profile in this field, although he did make one mistake, which resulted in a criminal case for extortion being opened against him in 2000. However, the case never went beyond the initial investigation, as three years elapsed between the crime and the decision. Furthermore, members of Dunayev's group always maintained relatively warm relationships with the police, and were often even the same people.
Dunaev's rise to the top, in addition to his established position in criminal circles, was aided by his love of money and the daughter of the aforementioned Yuriy Boyko—or perhaps in that order. Dunaev never formally married Boyko's eldest daughter and, according to a source at TsN, cohabited with her while still married. Regardless, even his indirect union with the Boyko family marked the beginning of a new chapter in Dunaev's life as a respectable businessman, philanthropist, and politician.
This union would subsequently achieve significant results in the destruction of Lisichansk's industry. Lisichansk Soda OJSC would be virtually wiped off the face of the earth.
in order not to compete with the Boyko-Firtash Crimean Soda Plant, which, before the Russian intervention, produced approximately 85% of the total volume of soda supplied to the domestic Ukrainian market.
Another major enterprise, the Lisichansk Glass Factory, also known as Proletary Public Joint-Stock Company, will also undergo a series of changes, not without Dunayev's involvement. As a result, over 3 workers will find themselves on the streets, and what was once a factory will be systematically eliminated. Incidentally, this elimination continues to this day under the supervision of Dunayev's men. In particular, his associate and driver, Andrei Yakimchuk, whose intellect is celebrated in Lisichansk, currently holds the post of deputy mayor. In 2008-2009, Yakimchuk was investigated by the local prosecutor's office for financial fraud and tax evasion. A city prosecutor directly involved in Yakimchuk's criminal prosecution says he served as a figurehead in Dunayev's schemes.
In 2006, Dunayev became a city council member from the Party of Regions and predictably headed the committee on social policy, youth, physical education, and sports. Having gained some experience in public policy, Dunayev suddenly became mayor of Lysychansk. He held this post until 2012, when, with the help of the same Boyko and Yefremov, he succeeded in becoming a people's deputy.
"Mayor Dunayev of Lisichansk has proven himself to be a good candidate. I believe this young man's candidacy can be supported because he has proven himself to be an effective leader of the city," Yefremov stated at the time, despite the fact that local residents and the media were far more critical of Dunayev's managerial genius, as can be seen by reading this or this article.
As for the state of Dunayev's worldview, it is undoubtedly based on latent separatism, Orthodox communism, and nostalgia for gangster days. This is the only conclusion one can draw after watching the video in which Dunayev calls the "LNR" terrorists heroes.
"Those left without work and unable to support their wives and children are forced to go to war. They are heroes, because they have to face death every day." That's how it is.
Incidentally, the 2014 parliamentary elections, which secured Dunayev a life-saving mandate and the opportunity to remain in Ukraine, were prepared in Lysychansk specifically for him, and the fact that the head of the Lysychansk city electoral commission, Natalia Kravchenko, appointed amid scandal, is now his official assistant, is direct confirmation of this.
These are the key career milestones of our hero. However, this article is not written to tell Ukraine about the thorny path of this "LNR" sympathizer with a mandate. There is a question that Sergei Vladimirovich needs to answer. And preferably within the walls of an institution specifically created to combat anti-corruption fighters like Dunayev. The question arose as a result of a thorough review of his asset declarations for 2013 and 2014.
In 2013, in the section “Amount of contributions to the statutory (stocked) capital of partnerships, enterprises, organizations, etc.,” the amount of UAH 14,989,500.00 is indicated.
In 2014, the income amount for this position already amounted to UAH 24,982,500, that is, almost UAH 10 million more.
However, as we see, Dunayev lists UAH 999,300 as the annual contribution amount, thereby understating it tenfold compared to the actual declared amount. In dry legal jargon, this is called "Violation of Financial Control Requirements." Coincidentally, this is the title of Article 172-6 of the Code of Ukraine on Administrative Offenses.
I believe that NABU and the anti-corruption prosecutor's office should certainly look into such blatant violations on the part of the declarant, and also assess the actions of the tax authority employee who reviewed Dunaev's declaration and found it to be acceptable. And considering that back in 2011, according to Dunaev's declaration as a civil servant, he was broke as a falcon,
Then we need to seriously examine his family's ownership structure and figure out how a man who, since 2009, has faithfully served the Lisichansk community and the state, managed to become a multimillionaire almost unnoticed. I'm even willing to artistically flesh out this undoubtedly wonderful story.
And one more thing. If I were SBU head Gritsak, I'd have a serious debate with Dunayev about the "heroism" of the occupiers and collaborators. Unless, of course, he shares his opinion.
Sergey Ivanov, "Censor.NET"
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