Parliamentary elections of 2014
The elections have taken place. The results are being counted quickly and fairly transparently. Names and figures, in some cases, bring satisfaction to some, disappointment to others. Surprises flicker: some of them feel like a gift in the palm of your hand, others make you want to jerk your hand away, as if those bastards really managed to wrap their shit in paper... But behind the details, a larger picture emerges. It allows us to congratulate one bloc on a significant victory. An informal bloc that didn't run, but elected. Congratulate citizens, society, the country. Nothing to congratulate? What if we dare to look? First at the essentials. And then, without delay, at the details that require correction, both in the future and right now.
The 2014 parliamentary elections demonstrated the following.
The very fact that one of society's demands—a reboot of power through the early termination of the supreme legislative body's powers—hasn't been shelved. It hasn't been swept under the rug "until better times." Because the president had to be elected, say, due to force majeure; the predecessor fled. And the Rada, which included both political forces that shared the Maidan demands and those that had seemingly quieted down, those who had hastily renounced the criminal regime, and those who had rebranded themselves as "loyal"—was probably tempted to use it in this guise for now. Nevertheless, no one dared to go against broad public opinion: let's re-elect!
And, more importantly, the October 26 vote is proof of the following. We are not dividing the country by preferences for opposing development vectors. There is no desire to bring back "yesterday's people," despite the current objective difficulties and Russia's military aggression. There is no disappointment in the choice made by the 2013-2014 revolution: an independent, united Ukraine oriented toward pan-European civilizational values.
And on a tactical point: Ukraine as a whole, that is, society, the political forces that have received the greatest support from it, and the power structures, are not submitting to Kremlin pressure.
It's difficult to argue with the visible features cited above. Because they are backed by numbers. By the results of the vote. There can only be pseudo-objections here. That is, the regurgitation of a vile information war. Incidentally, you know, right after Sunday's vote, the information war suffered a significant defeat.
After all, no matter how much you realize that all these rumors are deliberate, well-thought-out, it's still hard when anonymous teams on the internet constantly churn out stories about Ukraine being broken, deprived of hope, disillusioned with its goals, and, at best, raising the next government on a pitchfork only to collapse after a senseless and merciless mess... And now—let them say it, if the funding for this attempted brainwashing operation doesn't dry up.
The conscious information warfare of "workers" should certainly not be confused with the sincere whining of life's pessimists. But here, too, variations are possible. Certain electoral achievements will inspire hope for many in this category. A segment will emerge that criticizes the current situation and its actors harshly, but strictly on the merits. From the perspective of what needs to be improved in the process of development? With awareness, we are taking certain steps.
By the way, why the parallel with the white dance in the title of today's notes? It seemed like this. The moment of elections is the unconditional right of citizens to invite. The objects of our "you, and only you..." stand waiting. Of course, they preen and wink. But still, invitations await. You can choose your vis-à-vis well. You can also voluntarily run into someone who will trample your feet and throw you off your rhythm. Or even worse, who will stink and slip his hand into your pocket. Nevertheless, we are the ones choosing. In our case, we are learning to choose.
The presidential bloc. Citizens did not deny it a certain degree of trust. However, contrary to some expectations, there was no talk of a supermajority, or even an undisputed first place. What does this indicate?
In the head of state elected five months ago, society sees neither a total disappointment nor a "god, tsar, or hero." Ukraine is progressive enough not to fall into Russia's trap, where Putin is almost certainly the 100% thinking of his tame bears. Furthermore, judging by the details, it seems the BPP bloc has lost some potential support, in part due to the presence of shady individuals hidden on the list. All these points represent a positive trend in public consciousness. And, ultimately, it's good that the parliamentary majority won't be tied to a single party. The Verkhovna Rada can act as a constructive counterweight, as befits a parliamentary-presidential republic.
The People's Front. Yatsenyuk, Turchynov, and the team. Their strong showing, first place after over 80 percent of the ballots had been counted, most likely testifies to the society's pragmatism. These people, essentially nominated by the Revolution, governed (with mistakes, shortcomings, but also breakthroughs) during the most difficult and turbulent times. They were the ones who assembled the legitimate government in the Rada chamber at the end of February, when the country could have descended into chaos. A point? Yes. Moreover, by participating in a race separate from the BPP (the petty behind-the-scenes reasons, if any, in this particular format are of little interest), they are not positioning themselves as potential dissenters from the majority the country truly needs, united by a common approach to fundamental issues.
This is a minor aspect, but it does concern Batkivshchyna's poor result, barely above the threshold. There is a certain suspicion that BYuT could become the bearer of "pride fights." It must be understood that there is currently little public demand for this. However, the party's modest performance is also due to an objective reason. Its leader, Yulia Tioshenko, a political prisoner of the Yanukovych regime, could not become one of the faces of the Maidan.
The fact that Batkivshchyna is in parliament is, I would very much like to attribute, in part, to the victory of a budding, rational social trend. The top ten includes those sought-after young professionals. They lack the hyped political names, PR stunts, or even heroism. But they possess an excellent education and the ability to professionally address those very same pressing issues that the highest legislative body should resolve, with functioning specialized committees, civilized bills, and reasoned debate surrounding them.
This trend may indeed be in its infancy. But look how it made its presence felt in the sensational situation with the new political force "Samopomich"! Lviv Mayor Sadovyi remains one of the mayors. This means that only Lviv residents can be happy or unhappy with him. Incidentally, he hasn't positioned himself as either a political heavyweight or a "party icon."
Meanwhile, people who entered parliament, with figures exceeding 10 percent, admittedly couldn't attract voters with anything other than dry lines: "expert in such-and-such a field." And a platform. Political scientists say voters don't read platforms. Nevertheless, this platform was ranked by researchers among the top three (Samopomich, Batkivshchyna, and the People's Front).
One should still be cautious about the new positive trend in the approach to elections (a mandate is not a medal for a hero, not a prize for a charming person, but a pass to a qualitatively new job for those ready to do it). Nevertheless, has Samopomich really taken off on this trend?
Here are examples of the more familiar trend of person-centeredness. The results are both positive and negative.
Oleh Lyashko's winning percentage. Note that it's pronounced exactly like that, not "Radical Party." Because the politician (sometimes through eccentric PR, sometimes through necessary radicalism) won the seat for HIMSELF. And then, with our help, he elected who knows who. Voshchevsky, from the former "Winter Generation," and...Alina Grossa's mother.
And the “Civic Position” is positioned exclusively and specifically Anatoly Gritsenko – the barrier was not overcome. Gritsenko was distinguished primarily by his pronounced tendency to quarrel and to reject the possibility of cooperation with anyone. Before the elections, one political analyst put it this way: "To be honest, he hasn't earned a place in parliament, except as a critic, perhaps in the corridors..." It's everyone's personal business; I, for one, agree. Just as I agree that Lyashko didn't earn more than one mandate.
And before we talk about the really sad stuff, let’s take another look at the encouraging news.
For the first time in almost a hundred (yes, yes) years, we have refused to reciprocate the communists. And this isn't just settling scores with the bloody Bolsheviks. It's the end of the cheapest possible populism and the consistent venality of the Simonenkoites. Thus, the political arena is opening up the potential for the creation of a civilized, social democratic left force.
The "strongly anti-Ukrainians" fly by smoothly.
The Efremovs-Germans and other Chechetovs didn’t even dare to show their noses in the race.
And... Bad. The Opposition Bloc has really established itself among the passers-by. This raises questions. It seems the odious Boyko, Shufrych, and Dobkin evoke even less sympathy among the public than the pretender Tigipko or the "three happy letters" of the Communist Party of Ukraine. What's going on?
As they say, the autopsy will reveal. The autopsy will reveal the violations on which they most likely raked in the passing percentages. By bending the knee and skimping on the vine. And the worst thing may not even be the appearance of these guys in the parliamentary chamber. It's that the violations, as is traditional in Russia, will be hushed up.
We can take a broader view. Yuriy Boyko isn't responsible for "vyshkiboyko," but he's running precisely because he isn't responsible. Just like many of the OB stars, who, based on their previous actions, weren't even the slightest question from law enforcement, outside the context of the election. And this isn't the voters' fault, but the government's.
Well, and the crust of the single-mandate system. Most of those who will drag the new term down run (and often win) in single-mandate constituencies. Where the mastodon, the owner of the murderous mines, Zvyagilsky, taking advantage of the turmoil in Donbas, wins with 1450 votes. Caroled at four polling stations. There are 100 polling stations in constituency No. 45. And the war has nothing to do with it. Polling stations were opened in remote villages, and for some reason (will the war write them off?) they weren't opened in the city of Avdiivka, where there is no fighting, and the government is supposedly completely legitimate.
It's not a matter of party affiliation. The single-member constituency is giving away as many as three Balohas and Volodymyr Lytvyns. In Oles Dovhyi's controversial constituency, the Committee of Voters of Ukraine notes instances of so-called social agreements being concluded with voters, meaning the direct purchase of votes at 200 hryvnias apiece. And Dovhyi is leading.
And yet, about the trend. One more positive aspect of it. A few days before the elections, the results of online surveys were available. They differ in some ways from strictly representative ones. Here's an explanation of their purpose, for example, on the popular portal Ukr.net: not to cast doubt on opinion polls, exit polls, or election results. Simply for those interested—to understand who the supposedly advanced group of citizens is voting for. They use the internet, and not just to display their half-naked, um, anti-faces to the world. A group interested in politics, thoughtful, with the ability and desire to receive comprehensive information and ready to express their position. In some ways, they are the group of tomorrow.
I analyzed several such surveys, including those where technical measures were taken to prevent manipulation, multiple bot entries, or hacker attacks; those that were broader projects than simply polling readers of a single resource.
So, Samopomich has 42 percent (24-27 percent), first place. Right Sector has 12 percent (10 or 9 percent), a decent margin. The Opposition Bloc has between 2 and 0,1 percent. Lyashko has around 2 percent. Any interesting details?
And speaking of public opinion, let's move from virtual figures to a truly representative figure. According to the results of this social survey, 43 percent of citizens before October 26 expressed the opinion that these elections would change the situation for the better.
This is a large figure, considering that at the previous elections in 2012, only 23 percent of respondents expressed reason to hope for such a development.
Victoria ANDREEVA, ORD
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