"I personally handled the single-member constituency election and am responsible for the fact that we don't have a single paratrooper. Not a single one. Every candidate for a district is approved by the head of the local party organization. Moreover, the party organization leaders themselves also run for their region," he publicly assured at the BPP congress. Yuriy Lutsenko.
Unfortunately, Yuri Vitalyevich's words don't quite correspond to reality. There are plenty of "parachutists" under the BPP quota. Even more are merged districts.
Exceptions to the rules
The presidential political force nominated candidates in virtually all single-mandate constituencies. With the exception of those:
— previously agreed with Svoboda
As is well known, in July, Svoboda and UDAR joined forces to dismantle the parliamentary coalition, thereby triggering the dissolution of the Rada. Svoboda agreed to this only in exchange for the government's guarantee to support Tyahnybok's candidates in a number of single-member constituencies (not to field any Democratic Party competitors). Specifically, in the constituencies Svoboda won last time.
Bankova kept its promise. Thus, Svoboda's electoral districts include: 116, 119, 125, 152, 162-164, 189, and 215.
— agreed with the Front
To ensure that "the chances of the Party of Regions and the Communists breaking into the Rada are minimal." This was stated at the congresses of both political forces.
In practice, the candidates themselves conducted most of the negotiations on this matter. For example, Oleksandr Turchynov, when reading out his list of candidates at the congress, omitted two Kyiv constituencies – the 218th and 219th – where MP Volodymyr Ariev and oligarch and former "dear friend" Oleksandr Tretyakov are running for the BPP. Just an hour later, at the BPP congress, both confirmed to LB.ua that they had indeed reached an agreement with their colleagues.
As of now, in addition to these two (218-219), LB.ua has counted 15 more constituencies where the Frontoviki and the BPP have managed to reach an agreement. These numbers are: 22, 57, 59, 79, 86, 96, 115, 143 (questionable), 147, 149, 157, 169, 201, 202, 212.
In some of these districts, there are still candidates from the BPP (in the 57th, in Donetsk Oblast, the 143rd in Odesa Oblast, and the 86th in Ivano-Frankivsk Oblast), but this is more of a formality than a real fight.
Let me emphasize again: this is based on the current situation. And although the law prohibits (!) any amendments to the election list or the list of candidates for single-member constituency elections after the party congress, in 2014, key political forces have not hesitated to cheat in this manner. One thing is announced at the congress, another is circulated, and then a third appears on the Central Election Commission website.
So, it's possible that the Central Election Commission's website will still offer us some wonderful discoveries regarding the BPP's majoritarian candidates. However, these are just remarks that don't greatly affect the essence of the analysis;
— are located on the territory of Crimea (districts No. 1-10);
— are located in part of the ATO territory. Specifically: No. 41, 46, 104, 105, 108, 109, 111, 114, 115, 116 (Donetsk and Luhansk regions).
Features
During the study of the BPP's majority constituency, several very unpleasant details were discovered.
Some constituencies have simply been hijacked. Hijacked for odious former Party of Regions members and officials from Yanukovych's team. There are two possible hijacking schemes: either the BPP doesn't nominate anyone in the constituency at all, or it nominates a patently weak candidate.
Specific examples: the 171st district (Vitaliy Khomutynnik), the 150th (Konstantin Zhevago), the 24th was drained under Pinchuk’s man, Yakov Bezbakh, the 65th (Vladimir Litvin), the 102nd (Oles Dovgy), the 128th (Sergey Levochkin), the 169th (Alexander Feldman), the 192nd (Alexander Gerega), the 193rd (Nikolai Melnik, husband of Inna Bogoslovskaya). (read more about it in the article Inna Bogoslovskaya: a woman without complexes and a politician without principles)), the 70th (Mikhail Lanyo), and the 217th (Vadim Stolar). Also in question are Anton Yatsenko's 200th district and the 95th, which, judging by everything, was simply sold.
If you exclude the last two, that's eleven districts. Pretty cool, huh?
In some districts, there were no worthy candidates. Here, the BPP has gaps simply because the ruling party couldn't find anyone to nominate (the 63rd, 67th, 79th, etc.).
Interestingly, most of the leaks occurred under the UDAR quota. Why, you should ask Vitali Klitschko. And while the Poroshenkoites and Klitschkoites split the party list 70-30, the latter clearly got even less in the single-member constituency.
But we've digressed. Let's look at some specific leak examples.
The textbook example is Kyiv's 217th district. A young woman named Olga Lyulchak, whose nude photos have been all over the internet, and not just the Ukrainian one.
In 2012, a clash of titans took place here: Oleksandr Bryhynets of Batkivshchyna contested against Vadym Stolar, a member of the Party of Regions and Serhiy Lyovochkin's man. Victory went to Bryhynets. Stolar, having licked his wounds, decided not to neglect the district—he was "cultivating it for the future." Given Lyovochkin's closeness to Vitali Klitschko, this time Stolar hoped to take his favored Obolon district through the ruling party's quota, which would have practically guaranteed his victory. They had even agreed on this beforehand. The plan was as follows: Bryhynets would run on the BPP list, Stolar would run in the 217th district. Bryhynets did indeed make the list—as number 75—but Klitschko dumped Stolar.
Then Stolar pulled off a simple scheme. The BPP nominated this same Lyulchak, Stolar's man, from Obolon. A little-known website immediately posted her photo online. The chain of events was complete, the scheme worked. The presidential party's support factor was completely negated. Let's hope she at least earned some money.
Stolar, meanwhile, registered and started campaigning.
They say Petro Poroshenko was furious when he learned about the Lyulchak incident. He spent a long time looking for someone to blame. But there are many. Because this case is not the only one.
Olga Lyulchak
Or a different example. Take Zhytomyr's 65th district, where UDAR is pushing Igor Yushmanov. Yushmanov is a good man, but clearly not strong enough to compete with Vladimir Litvin, who has long and firmly considered this district "his own." And now let's recall the warm and cordial relationship between Vladimir Mikhailovich and Pyotr Alekseevich... Get it? Not only was the district merged, but it was also under UDAR's quota (UDAR was originally assigned to 63rd district). A brilliant combination.
Who filled in the checkerboard?
Both the BPP party list and the single-member constituency were personally approved by Petro Poroshenko. This is the presidential political force, and the president is personally responsible for the integrity of its ranks. Personally.
In fact, the picture would not be complete without mentioning that the following were actually involved in the formation of the BPP majority:
Igor Kononenko. Petro Poroshenko's closest friend, ally, and business partner since the early 90s. Most recently, he served as chairman of the board of directors of Ukrprominvest.
Oleg Svinarchuk, also very close to Poroshenko and owner of the Bogdan corporation;
Boris Lozhkin. Head of the AP;
Serhiy Berezenko. A young official, he hails from Chernovetsky's nest. His connection to Anatoly Matviyenko allowed him to quickly move into the guarantor's team. He is currently the head of the State Property Management Department. Several names associated with Berezenko are listed in the BPP single-mandate constituency. Apparently, there will be more.
Gennady Zubko, First Deputy Head of the Presidential Administration, is most active through his protégés in his electorally native Zhytomyr Oblast.
Igor Hryniv. Deputy Chief of Staff. Former "Heartfelt" (like Zubko). During the May elections, Hryniv was essentially one of Petro Oleksiyovych's main strategists. He remains one to this day.
Andriy Pavelko. Another former BYuT member who quickly switched his allegiance to Poroshenko. In May 2014, he headed the future President's Dnipropetrovsk headquarters. He currently oversees the BPP's work in his native Dnipropetrovsk and neighboring Zaporizhzhia regions.
All of these people presented their vision of the majoritarian system in one area or another (they presented it with varying degrees of intensity), but the final decision, I repeat, was made by President Poroshenko.
Photo: Max Levin
However, to be fair, Pyotr Alekseevich certainly didn't have the physical ability to personally vet every candidate. This was actively exploited by some of his unscrupulous associates, who "leaked" districts either for money or through political deals.
Vinnytsia region
President Poroshenko's electoral fiefdom. All eight districts here are occupied by his people.
11 - Alexander DombrovskyThe de facto "permanent representative" of the President in Vinnytsia
12 – Oleksiy Poroshenko. Petro Oleksiyovych himself, as he explained, has nothing to do with his son's nomination. It is noteworthy, however, that Oleksiy Petrovich is running in his father's constituency – the same one from which Petro Oleksiyovych entered the Rada in 2012.
13 – Nikolai Katerynchuk is running in the same district as in 2012
14 – Ivan Melnichuk
15 – Ivan Sporiš
16 – Anatoly Savkov. The constituency of former communist Oksana Kaletnik. In 2012, Petro Poroshenko's father also ran here, but withdrew due to health reasons. Kaletnik has already been registered with the Central Election Commission and will try her luck again.
17 – Pavel Kalenich
18 – Ruslan Demchak
Each candidate could be characterized separately—described in detail their political histories, businesses, and so on—but that's irrelevant now, as they are all the President's protégés. That says it all.
It's worth noting that the Front is fielding only one candidate in the Vinnytsia region: Vadym Vovk, in District No. 15 (former Party of Regions member Mykola Dzhyha won here in 2012 and is now running for parliament on Tihipko's list).
Volyn region
19 – PASS. The district has been approved by Svoboda. Igor Guz is running for the Front.
20 – Vladimir Bondar
21 – Sergey Kosharuk
22 – PASS. The district has been approved by the Front. Igor Lapin is running for the Front.
Dnipropetrovsk region
Igor Kolomoisky
Photo: Max Levin
The candidates for deputy from Dnipropetrovsk Oblast were selected during two meetings attended by prominent regional representatives and members of the Presidential team. These included Ihor Kolomoisky, Borys Filatov, Svyatoslav Oleynik, Serhiy Berezenko, and Andriy Pavelko. The following agreements were reached:
24 — Vadym Hetman. Dnipropetrovsk City Council deputy. A frankly weak candidate. Very weak. And one whom the Central Election Commission may very well not even register. This is because Pinchuk's Yakiv Bezbakh will run for parliament in the same constituency (as he did in 2012). Let's recall Viktor Pinchuk's wonderful relationship with this government, how many of Viktor Mykhailovych's people ran on Tihipko's "opposition" list, and draw some conclusions. More precisely, one conclusion, but a concrete one: the constituency has been merged for Pinchuk.
25 – Maksym Kuryachy. Pavelko's man. In 2010, he was a prominent figure in Batkivshchyna. A serious battle is brewing in the 25th district. Former Party of Regions member Igor Tsyrkin and local Dnipropetrovsk freak Zagid Krasnov (both have already registered) are also planning to run there.
26 – Andriy Denisenko. A 100% Kolomoisky man. He was appointed to the district at the insistence of Igor Valerievich. Who is Mr. Denisenko, you ask? Yarosh's closest deputy. And that's more than enough.
27 – Anastasia Staroskoltseva. A Dnipropetrovsk journalist, an absolutely positive character, who, according to sources at the Central Election Commission, is unlikely to be registered. Something is unclear, they say, about her documents. But Boris Filatov's documents are all in order. He's also running in this constituency. As an independent candidate. And there's practically no doubt he'll win.
28 – Ivan Kulichenko. Mayor of Dnipropetrovsk. A compromise candidate. For Kulichenko, being a member of parliament is an honorary pension.
29 – Vitaliy Kupriy. A 100% Kolomoisky man. More precisely, Andriy Denisenko (district no. 26), who asked for him (Read more about it in article BItalian Kupriy. Kolomoisky's shavka received an order to eliminate Poroshenko.).
30 – Alexander Dubinin. Kolomoisky's 100% man. Chairman of the Board of Dniproazot.
31 – Vitaliy Oliynyk. Pavelko's protégé. Not the strongest, but not the weakest candidate either.
32 – Inna Ruban. Pavelko's protégé. A very weak candidate. She'll likely have to cede the district.
33 – Konstantin Usov. Do you remember the film "Lukyanovka"? And the many other brilliant investigations aired at that time on the opposition channel TVi? Their author was Kostya Usov, a young but talented journalist who traded journalism for public activism and politics. In previous parliamentary elections, he ran in a single-member constituency in Odesa. This time, he decided to run in his native Kryvyi Rih. The regional governor, Mr. Kolomoisky, was against it. To counter Usov, it was decided to appoint Mr. Kolesnik, commander of the Kryvbas Battalion, better known in narrow circles by the nickname "Tyson." You get the idea, right? The fight promises to be intense.
34 – Oleksandr Maistrenko. Petro Poroshenko’s quota.
35 – Sergey Paskhalov. UDAR Quota
36 — PASS. The BPP is not nominating anyone in this district. Sources say they simply couldn't find a worthy candidate. It's as simple as that. This is Pavlohrad, the territory of Rinat Akhmetov's DTEK. Governor's advisor Tatyana Guba was supposed to run here, but something went wrong with the paperwork.
37 – Alexei the Wise. Pavelko the Man
38 – Igor Gurtovoy. The "UDAR" quota, which Igor Kolomoisky's side categorically opposes. Kolomoisky calls Gurtovoy nothing less than a "land swindler." The elections will decide.
39 – Dmitry Plekhanov. Pavelko's man. "Eternal oppositionist" (since 2010). His chances aren't great. Especially considering his opponent is independent candidate Dmytro Yarosh. He's part of Ihor Kolomoisky's lobby.
40 – Valentin Didych. Krynychany District State Administration. His chances aren't great. Former district. Oleg Tsarev
Donetsk region
There are 20 constituencies in the Donetsk region—from the 41st to the 61st. For obvious reasons, elections will not be held in more than half of them.
Photo: EPA/UPG
After speaking with sources at the Central Election Commission, LB.ua learned the following.
Voting will definitely not take place in districts 41-44, 54-55, 57-60.
In '45, they will take place, and the district center was moved to Kurakhovo, which is controlled by the Ukrainian military. A similar move was made in '52 (the district center will be located in Dzerzhinsk) and '53 (in Uglegorsk).
The fate of districts 51 (a suburb of Horlivka), 56, and 61 has not yet been decided. While they might try to figure out a way to resolve districts 51 and 56, the likelihood of elections in district 61 is extremely low. The front line runs through this district.
Elections will take place in districts 46 to 50 and 57 to 60.
Given the above, key political forces did not submit candidates for all Donetsk constituencies. However, the BPP decided to comply with formalities by filling all the "checkerboard" seats.
And now, attention. ALL the candidates in the Donetsk region were submitted by a man named Artur Gerasimov"Udar" with its quotas didn't even try to wedge itself in.
Gerasimov himself is running for parliament as number 43 on the BPP list. We'll discuss him in more detail in the next article, when we analyze the pro-presidential party's list. For now, we'll limit ourselves to a few highlights for clarity.
Artur Gerasimov is a notorious figure. He is a friend and accomplice of an even more notorious Luhansk character named Sergei Shakhov (Tanya Chornovol wrote about him at length and in detail. If you're interested, Google it.) Last time, when he ran in his native Horlivka, he acted very clumsily. His "campaigners" were caught more than once handing out... 50 hryvnias (!), and also leaflets with explanations "how to vote correctly" (in the leaflets, a check mark was next to Gerasimov's name), etc. True, Petro Poroshenko believes that Gerasimov is "correct"
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